1950年代早期的大屠杀话语

50 Statism, the ideology guiding Mapai under Ben-gurion especially during the  firs half of the 1950s,wanted the ethos and myths connected with the struggle for indepence and building the State placed at the centre of Israel 50 culture.50-51

51 he was of the opinion that the establishing of the State of Israel was, in principle, a memorial to the slaughtered. ‘The Jewish people was murdered in Europe. Six million were annihilated by the Nazis and their collaborators. But even those millions died firm in the belief that the Jewish nation would live and be reemed. And their faith was rewarded: the State of Israel was established,’ he said in the spring of 1951 at Brandeis University.

51 Until the Remembrance Day law was passed in 1959 (see Chapter 6), turning the day into a national event that necessitated the participation of the prime minister, Ben-Gurion did not take part in the ceremonies. Only once, in 1952, did he sent a telegram to mark the day.    Ben-Gurion, while giving no particular support to the idea of an institution focusing on the destruction of European Jewry, was very sympathetic to planting forests to the memory of the Holocaust victims. He was of the opinion that the memorial for European Jewry had to be the 51 strengthening and building of the State of Israel. In the telegram he sent to those participating in the assembly, he worte: 51-52

52 Only one monument is worthy of the memory of European Jewry destroyed by the Nazis beast, and it is the State of Israel itself, the country in which there is hope for the Jewish people and which serves as a free and loyal haven for every Jew everywhere in the world who wishes to live a free and independent life. The Jewish National Fund did a wonderful thing when it decided to plant the Martyrs’ Forest. For decades the fund was important to the millions of Jews who were annihilated… and now it is preparing the homeland for mass settlement… by planting the forests which will enrich the country immeasurably. The trees will make the land fertile, improve the climate, beautify the country and increase its ability to absorb new immigrants. The Martyrs’ Forest belongs to those who were murdered, and in it will flower the hope they preserved until their deaths. Let us remember their tragic deaths and imbue ourselves with the desire for life and growth, which are part of our national character and of our nation’s country [emphasis added].

52 Making self-defence and the armed struggle educational principles might lead one to think that the image of the passive Jew was a central factor in leaving the Holocaust out of official national symbolism, and that the fact that most of the Jews of Europe did not actively defend themselves influenced Ben-Gurion’s reservations regarding holocaust Remembrance Day and the establishment of a national memorial. The rationale would be the desire to educate the younger generation to activism and ‘to prepare the entire nation, should the necessity arise, to be a nation of fighters’.

55 It was based entirely on the struggle for independence in Eretz Israel and did not include the young Jews who had organized self-defence movements during the pogroms in Russia or the ghetto rebels or the partisan fighters in the forests of Eastern Europe. To Ben-Gurion’s way of thinking, their struggles were foreign to the State of Israel.

The fact that the aims of the ghetto uprisings were different from those of the struggles in Eretz Israel prevented them from being included in the statism mythology. The aim of the War of Independence, which was one of the central statism symbols, was the renewed national, which was one of the Jewish people. Life, renewal and building were emphasized: ‘We want to live in this country, we want to creat a free homeland to rescue every Jew who needs or wants such a place. We do not want to die as heroes [emphasis added],’ said Ben-Gurion at a meeting of the Zionist Executive Committee 55 in August 1948. on the other hand, the uprisings in the ghettoes were perceived as battles for Jewish honour in the face of a fate that had already been decided. The struggle that could never be won and lead to independent national life belonged, in Ben-Gurion’s eyes, to life in the ghetto, to Jewish marttrdom in the Diaspora. 55-56

寻找家园

54 The Bricha (literally “flight”) was the semiorganized movement of Jerwish departure from Poland that took shap shortly after the liberation of eastern Poalnd (for more on its organization and development in Poland, see chapter 2). Large unmbers of Jews began to arrive in the American zone of Germany in groups organized by the Bricha toward the end of 1945.

57 the visit of David Ben-Gurion to the U.S.zone of Germany seems to have influenced the development of a unified agricultural policy for the Jewish DPs, as the Jewish Agency began to see the value of using the Jewish DPs as an instrument in the struggle to create the Jewish State.

58 Through his meetings with Eisenhower and General Walter Bedell Smith, Ben-Gurion learn that U.S.Army authorities did not intend to stop Jewish infiltrees from Eastern Europe from entering the American zone; sensing an opportunity, he outline a plan that would mobilize Jewish Agency resources in order to assist in the process of bringing as many Jews as possible into the occupation zones that were under U.S. command. Furthermore, Ben-Gurion submitted a number of suggestions to Eisenhower and Bedell-Smith on how to improve the morale of the Jewish DPs: to concentrate the Jews in a separate region, either urban or rural; to allow the Jewish DPs to govern themselves, subject to the ultimate authority of the U.S. Army; to provide agricultural training through instructors who would come from Palestine; to confiscate Nazi farms; to provide vocational and paramilitary training to the DPs; and to establish weekly flights between the camps and 58 Palestine to bring in instructors and books. Eisenhower was quite receptive to all of Ben-Gurion’s suggestions except for his proposal to concentrate Jews in a separate region. 58-59