1945年11月28日

本-古里安眼中，欧洲犹太人大屠杀幸存者的情况。151 I have just come back from the internment camps of Europe where I looked on the survivors of the Nazi charnel-houses. I was in Dachau and Belsen. I saw chambers where hundreds of Jews were throttled every day. There were brought naked, as if to bathe, and the Nazis would peer through peep-holes and watch them writhing in their death agonies. I saw crematoria in which millions of Jews were burnt alive. I saw the gallows in the Belsen where Jews were hanged each Jewish holy day, while the rest were paraded to witness the ghastly punishments of men who had perhaps come a few minutes late to their daily grind. I saw kennels where ferocious dogs were bred and trained to attack any straggler as the Jews were driven to work or led to their graves. I saw racks whereon Jewish men and women were stretched out naked to be shot at by warders.

I saw the pitiful relic of European Jewry, what is left of six million, butchered before the gaze of a world frigid, aloof and indifferent to the fate of a people that has been hounded and tormented for two thousand years of exile.

From the tragic few miraculously saved, I bring two prayers. One, for the unity of Israel. The hangmen made no distinctions. Jews resisted and died together, torture and murder took no account of origin, class or party, and a people united in calamity must face its future four-square. The second, for a Jewish State, a call that goes out from the dead millions to surviving Jewry 151 and the conscience of the world. Their dying hope was that the generations coming after would be free and happy in Zion; that hope inspired and upheld those spared from the horrors. And that hope, the new British policy of Mr. Bevin set outs to destory.151-152

1919年3月，美国总统威尔逊对犹太联邦的支持。160 I have expressed my personal approval of the declaration of the British Government regarding the aspirations and historic claims of the Jewish people in regard to palestine…… The Allied Nations, with the fullest concurrence of our Government and people, are agreed that in Palestines shall be laid the foundations of the Jewish Commonwealth.

要解决犹太人问题，只是打倒希特勒是不行的，还要建立人所所一贯支持的民族之家。164 Jewish suffering is not confined to Europe. It didi not begin with the Nazis, it has not ended with their fall, and it will not 164 end until the Jewish people owns a Homeland and, at least in that one land, is no longer a minority. It was this fundamental compulsion which drove the Jews to start their Return long before the Nazis were ever heard of, this was the mainspring of their great effort of creation in Palestine, the souce of the international recognition of Jewish national hopes that the Balfour Decaration and the Mandate embody. 164-165

不自由毋宁死。175 We have no desire to be killed. We want to live. We believe, despite the teachings of Hitler and his disciples, that the Jews too are entitled to live as individuals and as a people, just as much as the British and the rest. But again, like the British, there are things we value above life itself, things for which we are ready to die rather than aurrender: freedom to enter Palestine, the prerogative to remake the wastes of our land, and a sovereign Jewish nation in its own Israel.

1946年8月

面对危机形势，本-古里安认为，首先要做到的就是犹太人的团结。178 Neither the antagonism of the outside world with all its perils nor the fear of aggression thence constitutes the major threat or need dismay us, althought it would be folly to minimize the risks or delude ourselves as to the intentions of foreign Powers. What may destroy us utterly is a rift（分裂） in the Yishuv itsel or in Zionism or in both, and schism（分裂） in one leads inevitably to schim in the other. We may be weakened and even undone no less by bending from our policy of independence and letting outsiders appoint our aims and our spokesmen.

Disunity is likely to spring from ideological or demestic differences, which are natural and necessary in an autonomous Yishuv and an unfettered Movement. So long as they come from within and are resolved after free discussion among ourselves, we having nothing to apprehend. But when one party seems to impose its will and policy on the whole by employing external forces and giving them the opportunity they want to pit one Jewish faction against another, we are heading for complete disaster. Zealous guardianship of our unity and independence, inseparable twain, must be our clarion-call: that must precede any plan of action.

对于巴黎特别会议，本-古里安介绍说，182 The meeting of the Executive in Paris at the beginning of August, not without avoidable delay and interference within our own midst, at least was the first step towards shaking the Movement out of its calamitous stupor.（扫清迷雾）

All divergencies of view in the Yishuv and in Zionism were freely aired. We were conscious that, in this feverish and fated hour, it rested with us to safeguard the unity and autonomy of Zionism. Unanimity marked our resolutions.

I will treat here of only one of the matters discussed- the program to federalize the country. （将这个国家联邦化的计划）As you know, the general principles are these:

Annulment, in 80 percent of Western Palestine, of all the rights assured the Jews under the Mandate, including, of course, the rights of immigration and settlement.

Ostensible self-government for Jews and arabs in two 182 separate ‘provinces’—for the Jews in an area amounting to only 15 percent of the whole, and in effect, a complete and perpetual British government of all Palestine, just as now; with one small difference—the positive obligations of the Mandate would disappear.

Jewish Ministers for the Jewish province appointed by the British High Commissioner, and Arab Ministers likewise for the Arab.

Immigration restricted according to the dictates of the British High Commissioner within the limits of the absorptive capacity of the province measured by its economic opportunities.

The sorry program is calculated endlessly to prolong the two current disputes: the Arab-Jewish and the Anglo-Jewish. Even as the Arabs persisted in fighting Zionism when Trans-Jordan had been carved out of the original area of the Mandate, only concentrating their fire thereafter on immigration and settlement in Western Palestine, so they will go on aiming their guns at those targets in a British-dominated Jewish province. (鉴于历史，阿拉伯人还会敌视英国统治下的犹太省)

The Anglo-Jewish conflict will be as little resolved even within the bounds of its own narrow province, the Yishuv will be up against an alien and hostile officialdom, apt in the usages of suppression and force.(英国与犹太人之间的敌视也不会因为犹太省的建立而消失，甚至还会使用武力)

So the Paris meeting would have been well worth while even had it done no more than inform the British Government, and world opinion, that the Zionist Movement is not prepared so much as to discuss a plan of that character.(所以这次会议很有必要，因为现在不是谈英国的时候了)

Are there really politicians still among us who believe it possible to revert to the pre-1937 Mandate, before immigration was again restricted, or that England, ao any other Power, would be agreeable to help us immigrate and settle exactly as we need and wish to, while responsibility for governing rested on the mandatory for an unspecified period of years, in effect until we were read tto assume it? If there are still in the Yishuv and the 183 Movement any so simple, they will never learn, and I will waste no breath arguing with them. (不要在幻想英国的委任统治会支持我们移民了，我们已经没有必要与他们争辩了)

It is time we drew conclusions from the political facts, not sporadic and evanescent but basic, which underlie the political situation—British and international—as it was before, during and after the second World War. These facts constitute a reality we cannot control: it is only a reality we can control that we need not accept and, if it be unacceptable, must not compromise with. (鉴于国际形势，英国基本是已经过时了，我们唯一可以做的就是拒绝他，不与他做妥协。)In my opinion, these are the assumptions we must make:

England neither desires to perpetuate the mandate, nor now can she, even to the degree she discharged it from the setting up of a civil authority in 1920 until 1937, when a monthly quota of immigrants was fixed.

Without Mandatory commitments to the Jews, any Administration in Palestine will lack legal and moral warrant.

The weak may have to yield to the strong—even when the strong has not law and right behind him, but he yields under compulsion and only as far as he is compelled; yielding thus is not acquiescence, nor betokens it the philosophy of ‘offering the other cheek’.

We are the first nucleus of an independent people in the Homeland, the vanguard of militant Zionism, and no proffered solution of the Palestine problem will command our support that is not based on a Jewish State where Zionism may fulfill itself.

Unless the end in view is a transitional stage that leads surely to a Jewish State, we must reject any attempt by whatever Power to gain control over the country under a new international charter granted by the United Nations.

The over-riding conclusion is, that the fight to establish the Jewish State has become more fierce and more actual than in the war years, when we might still have hoped that the end of the war or a change of Government would restore the Mandate to its early shap. (其实早在战争期间我们就以准备为犹太国的建立而战，虽然有人希望英国会转变态度。)But now, no talks on a final settlement are con(184)ceivable with any Power, save on the premise that a Jewish State is to be set up. No adjustment of our relations with England is possible—and sooner or later she will have to ask our opinion—as long as they are the relations of ruler and ruled. We shall treat only on the basis of a political pact between two independent parties, equal in rights if not in power. We must also be prepared to enter into conversations with our Arab neighbors to bring about a settlemtnt that will affirm a Jewish State existing in cooperation with the Arab State. In the welter of recent afflictions, we are likely to forget that our valorous atand has lifted us in their regard. They know now that, besides our economic achievements and our advances in agriculture, industry and communications, in education, culture and science, we are established as no mean force in the world. Never were we as close as we now are to the possibility of an understanding.  182-185

1946年在英美联合调查委员会上的讲话

世界的沉默。196 There was a conspiracy of silence in the entire world. When we suffered and tried to tell you of our sufferings, the answer was: it is Jewish propaganda, just Press publicity of the Jews. I merely ask myself—would you suffer if a million Gentile babies were slaughtered in Europe?

197 Here is a people bleeding to death, a few shreds remain. Why are they tortured? For it is torture.

有助于理解犹太联邦的句子。

201 Freedom begins at home, in man’s mind and spirit, and here we have built our Jewish freedom more securely than any other Jews in the world. Why do we feel freer than other Jews? It is because we are self-made Jews, made by our country and making it. We are a Jewish community which is, in fact, a Jewish Commonwealth in the making.

202 I will tell you in a few words how we are making it. When we say ‘Jewish independence’ and ‘a Jewish State’, we mean a Jewish country, and by that we mean Jewish labor, Jewish colony and Jewish agriculture, Jewish industry and Jewish seed. We mean Jewish language, schools and culture. We mean Jewish safety, security and autonomy as complete as for ant other free people.

203 The Jewish Commonwealth means Jewish work. You cannot buy a Commonwealth; you cannot get one by conquest. Your own work must build it .

203 We mean a Jewish economy, Jewish agriculture, industry, seafaring trades, fishing. We do not want to say that it is our country because we conquered it. We want to be able to say it is ours because we made it. Or rather, because we remade it.

要解决世界犹太人问题，建立国家是必须的。205 Because, Sir, only a Jewish State can build a Jewish National Home. We need the State in order to continue building that national Home, for those Jews who for one reason or another, even if their fate be death, will be impelled to come just as we came; only the Jewish State can do it.

要解决世界犹太人问题，大多数的地位也是必须的，虽然这不是我们的目标，更不能解决这个犹太人问题。207 The majority is a stage, a very important but not a final one. You need it to establish the Commonwealth efficiently, but then we will have to continue, because we shall still have to build a National Home.

对于Mr. Crossman所提出的问题, “if you had the choice of  getting 100，000 refugees from Germany to Palestine or giving up the Jewish State， which would you do?”的问题，本-古里安说，他们会像二战中毫不妥协英勇抗击德国空袭的英国人一样，不惧民族牺牲，而要求民族独立。209 We do not despise life—we cherish it. We are not going to give up, even if we have to pay a heavy toll, and there are hundreds of thousands of Jews, here and in other lands, who will give up their lives, if they must, for Jewish independence and for Zion.

谁是伊休夫的领导者，还没有确定，还要模糊处理啊。216 We are twain—the elect of the Jewish people and the elect of the Yishuv. Alone, neither can perform the task. The Yishuv, indeed, is also a part of the people, but is so nearly concerned that it must here be a vanguard（先锋，先驱） as well, as it was before in reconstructing Israel and vindicating（领导） Zionism. But this is no personal issue of us who live in Palestine. The Majority upon the Committee sees it as a problem of world Jewry, and so, we think, does public opinion generally.

The majority framed its conclusions under the impact of two compelling revelations. First, it found here not just one more kehillah, but the nucleus（核心） of a Jewish nation, a Jewish State in embryo（萌芽）. Second, words exchanged in curiosity with an unknow Jew in an unnamed camp in Europe, words that should be broadcast in every spoken tongue, a simple story of past sufferings, and of why he wants to come here and nowhere else. Thus the Committee learned that Aliyah is not shallow submission to Zionist propaganda, but a deep compulsion, elemental, mocking death. This the members saw again with their own eyes in ships that bore to Palestine the exiled and the slain, in camps that shelter those who ran the gauntlet.

There was, however, a tertium quid（中间物，妥协的产物）—and careful study of the report brings it out: the existence of an international commitment to the Jewish people, the flickering still of a spark of conscience in the world,(世界舆论摇曳不定的同情) the widespread recognition that the commitment must be honored, even if only in part, even if only a helpless, homeless, stateless folk was its object.

All of Jewry was that object, not the Yishuv alone, All of Jewry broke into the land, All of Jewry seeks independence. So, too, let All of Jewry demand that an interim Jewish Government be set up to execute an interim policy under United Nations supervision and with aid thence, and primarily an interim policy of large-scale immigration and rescindment of the White Paper.