有媒体向我约稿，评论一下澳大利亚总理陆克文4月28日发表在《华尔街日报》上的一篇文章，题目是《新汉学》。太忙，文章还没写，先把译文摘要和原文附在这里，供各位参考：

    澳大利亚传统上一直有研究中国问题的思想家和作家，例如《泰晤士报》首位常驻中国记者乔治•莫里森。这些思想家一直以来都十分清楚，对中国的了解必须基于对其过去历史、文学以及哲学的了解。这是一种满怀热情和同情心，但也是头脑清晰地进行分析的传统。
    为分析中国的未来，我们需要更好地了解中国不同寻常的历史，包括其对内改革和对外交往的长期演变过程。这是一项十分复杂的任务。在中国国内就存在着许多有关其历史、现实和未来的相互碰撞的观点。
    这便是为什么我们要在澳大利亚国立大学成立澳大利亚中国研究中心的原因。该中心将成为一家寻求加强对中国的理解和促进与中国对话的国际性机构。它将特别关注中国在世界上的角色。
    中心的成立正值中国发生巨大变化之际，这使人们对中国如何看待自己在未来的角色产生了极大兴趣。有一种强硬观点认为，中国的崛起对于现有全球秩序来说是一种威胁。另有—种与之针锋相对的观点认为，新的“北京共识”应取代“华盛顿共识”。介于两者之间还有许多别的观点，事实是，关于中国及其未来，存在着许多相互抵触的观点。
    中国从其国内经济改革以及融入全球经济的政策中获益良多。但中国国内仍然在就这场改革辩论。国际上也有一场有关中国未来的讨论。有人质疑中国对人权的处理，还有人对中国能否形成真正透明、独立的司法体系提出质疑。中国的朋友也希望看到，其经济制度的发展能够使中国及其人民完全融入全球化的世界经济中。
    正在崛起的中国将会在全球范围内寻求自己的利益：这是十分自然的。而且我认为，中国认识到自已的根本利益在于同国际体系进行合作——而非对抗，这一国际体系在过去几十年中很好地款待了中国。
    中国对国际秩序的贡献是不可否认的，但还有很多工作要做。中国作为一个主要的利益攸关方，全面参与维护并加强一个稳定的、基于规则的国际秩序，对中国以及全世界都是有利的。
    要了解中国在塑造世界秩序中将会、能够并且必须发挥怎样的作用，我们需要更深入地了解中国，并在所有层面上同中国进行更坦诚的接触。我认为，现在是建立一种“新汉学”的时候了，这就必须超越过时的“反华”或“亲华”概念。现实比过去的二元对立要复杂得多。我们应当能够向中国表达我们基于价值观和信仰的看法，同时不令我们同中国的核心友谊遭受质疑。我们需要一种更为成熟的对话，一种应对正在崛起的大国的新办法。
    我希望这种对话能够基于“诤友”的原则之上。“诤友”即一个能够超越眼前利益并把说真话作为牢固而真诚的友谊基础的伙伴。

A New Sinology
Australia needs to engage in a more sophisticated dialogue with China.
By KEVIN RUDD
China's power and influence are growing. But its future course remains uncertain. To understand what role China will play in shaping the world order, we need to understand China more deeply and engage China more frankly.

Australia has a long tradition of thinkers and writers on China, such as the first ever permanent China correspondent for The Times, George E. Morrison. These thinkers have always been aware that a knowledge of China has to be grounded in an understanding of the histories, literature and philosophies of its past. It is a tradition of passionate, sympathetic but nonetheless clear-eyed analysis.

To analyze China's future, we need to better understand China's extraordinary history, including its long evolution of reform and foreign engagement. That is a complex task. In China itself there are many competing views about China's history, its present and its future.

Towards a new wave of understanding.

That is why we are establishing the Australian Centre on China in the World at the Australian National University. The Centre will be an international institution that will seek to enhance understanding of China, and promote dialogue with China. It will focus specifically on China's role "in the world."

The Centre will be founded in the midst of remarkable change in China, generating great interest in what role China sees for its future. There is a hardline view that regards China's rise as a threat to the existing global order. There is a contrary view that a new "Beijing consensus" should replace the "Washington consensus." There are many views in between. The truth is that there are many conflicting views about China and its future—and those differing views are held by Chinese as much as they are held by others.

China has benefitted remarkably from its policies of domestic economic reform and global economic engagement. But there is still an ongoing debate in China itself about that reform. There is also an international discussion about China's future. There are questions about the handling of human rights in China, and about the development of a truly transparent and independent legal system. And China's friends also want to see China's economic system develop in a way that brings China and the Chinese people fully into a globalized world economy.

A growing China will pursue its interests globally: That is natural. And I believe that China recognizes its own fundamental interest in working with—not against—the international system that has served China so well in recent decades. We see this in China's role in the G20, where it has partnered with the other major economies in responding to the global economic crisis. China is also working with the international community to meet the challenges of climate change, although it needs to take on a greater leadership role on this critical problem.

China has also engaged deeply with the nations of the Asia-Pacific, and encouragingly shares Australia's goal of building the right regional architecture for dealing with future challenges.

China's contribution to the world order is undeniable. But there is much more to be done. China can—and should—do more to support international efforts on global security challenges such as Afghanistan and Iran.

China engaging across the board as a major stakeholder in the maintenance and strengthening of a stable, rules-based order is good for China, and good for the world.

To understand what role China will, can and must play in shaping the world order, we need to understand China more deeply and engage China more frankly at all levels. I believe that it is time for a new sinology.

This must go beyond old Cold War concepts of fan-Hua or qin-Hua—that is, of either being anti-China or pro-China. The realities are more complex than this old binary opposition suggests. We should be able to express to China views based on our values and beliefs without our core friendship toward China, or China's toward Australia, being called into question. We need a more sophisticated dialogue; a new way forward for a rising great power.

I would like to see this dialogue based on the principle of zhengyou. A zhengyou is a candid friend, a partner who sees beyond immediate benefit, and who speaks the truth as the basis for a profound and sincere friendship.

In Australia's case this means being able to speak to China in a frank manner when our interests are engaged, and to expect the same from China: a dialogue based on respect, understanding and a mutual recognition of values. This new principle for engagement and understanding is as important for China as it is for Australia and the collective West.

Mr. Rudd is the prime minister of Australia. This is an edited extract of the 70th George E. Morrison lecture delivered last Friday launching the Australia Centre for China in the World.