So these were stories of families who had worked hard, believed
in the American Dream, but they felt like the odds were
increasingly stacked against them. And they were
right. Things had changed.
In the period after World War II, a growing middle class was the
engine of our prosperity. Whether you owned a
company, or swept its floors, or worked anywhere in between, this
country offered you a basic bargain -- a sense that your hard work
would be rewarded with fair wages and decent benefits, the chance
to buy a home, to save for retirement, and most of all, a chance to
hand down a better life for your kids.
But over time, that engine began to stall -- and a lot of folks
here saw it -- that bargain began to fray.
Technology made some jobs obsolete. Global
competition sent a lot of jobs overseas. It
became harder for unions to fight for the middle
class. Washington doled out bigger tax cuts to
the very wealthy and smaller minimum wage increases for the working
poor.
技术进步淘汰了一些工作。全球竞争从而大量就业机会流向海外。工会争取中产阶级越来越困难。华盛顿给超级富翁更多的减税,却给贫穷劳工最低工资更小的涨幅。
And so what happened was that the link between higher
productivity and people’s wages and salaries was
broken. It used to be that, as companies did
better, as profits went higher, workers also got a better
deal. And that started
changing. So the income of the top 1 percent
nearly quadrupled from 1979 to 2007, but the typical family’s
incomes barely budged.
以前是公司表现越好,利润越多,工人也得到更好的待遇。然而这已经改变。1979年至2007年,最富的1%收入翻了近两番,但普通家庭的收入几乎没有变化。
And towards the end of those three decades, a housing bubble,
credit cards, a churning financial sector was keeping the economy
artificially juiced up, so sometimes it papered over some of these
long-term trends. But by the time I took office
in 2009 as your President, we all know the bubble had burst, and it
cost millions of Americans their jobs, and their homes, and their
savings. And I know a lot of folks in this area
were hurt pretty bad. And the decades-long
erosion that had been taking place -- the erosion of middle-class
security -- was suddenly laid bare for everybody to see.
Now, today, five years after the start of that Great Recession,
America has fought its way back.
(Applause.) We fought our way
back. Together, we saved the auto industry; took
on a broken health care system.
(Applause.) We invested in new American
technologies to reverse our addiction to foreign
oil. We doubled wind and solar
power. (Applause.) Together, we
put in place tough new rules on the big banks, and protections to
crack down on the worst practices of mortgage lenders and credit
card companies. (Applause.) We
changed a tax code too skewed in favor of the wealthiest at the
expense of working families -- so we changed that, and we locked in
tax cuts for 98 percent of Americans, and we asked those at the top
to pay a little bit more. (Applause.)
So you add it all up, and over the past 40 months, our
businesses have created 7.2 million new jobs.
This year, we’re off to our strongest private sector job growth
since 1999.
And because we bet on this country, suddenly foreign companies
are, too. Right now, more of Honda’s cars are
made in America than anyplace else on Earth.
(Applause.) Airbus, the European aircraft
company, they’re building new planes in Alabama.
(Applause.) And American companies like Ford are
replacing outsourcing with insourcing -- they’re bringing jobs back
home. (Applause.)
We sell more products made in America to the rest of the world
than ever before. We produce more natural gas
than any country on Earth. We’re about to produce
more of our own oil than we buy from abroad for the first time in
nearly 20 years. (Applause.)
The cost of health care is growing at its slowest rate in 50
years. (Applause.) And our
deficits are falling at the fastest rate in 60
years. (Applause.)
So thanks to the grit and resilience and determination of the
American people -- of folks like you -- we’ve been able to clear
away the rubble from the financial crisis. We
started to lay a new foundation for stronger, more durable economic
growth. And it's happening in our own personal lives as well,
right? A lot of us tightened our belts, shed
debt, maybe cut up a couple of credit cards, refocused on those
things that really matter.
As a country, we’ve recovered faster and gone further than most
other advanced nations in the world. With new
American revolutions in energy and technology and manufacturing and
health care, we're actually poised to reverse the forces that
battered the middle class for so long, and start building an
economy where everyone who works hard can get ahead.
But -- and here's the big “but” -- I’m here to tell you today
that we're not there yet. We all know
that. We're not there yet.
We've got more work to do. Even though our
businesses are creating new jobs and have broken record profits,
nearly all the income gains of the past 10 years have continued to
flow to the top 1 percent. The average CEO has
gotten a raise of nearly 40 percent since 2009.
The average American earns less than he or she did in
1999. And companies continue to hold back on
hiring those who’ve been out of work for some time.
虽然我们的企业正在创造更多新的职位,获得创纪录的利润,但是过去十
年以来几乎所有的收入增长都还是继续流向了最顶端的1%。相比2009年,首席执行官们的平均收入增长了接近40%,但是一般美国民众反而相比1999年的时候挣得更少了。
Today, more students are earning their degree, but soaring costs
saddle them with unsustainable debt. Health care
costs are slowing down, but a lot of working families haven’t seen
any of those savings yet. The stock market
rebound helped a lot of families get back much of what they had
lost in their 401(k)s, but millions of Americans still have no idea
how they’re going to be able to retire.
So in many ways, the trends that I spoke about here in 2005 --
eight years ago -- the trend of a winner-take-all economy where a
few are doing better and better and better, while everybody else
just treads water -- those trends have been made worse by the
recession. And that's a problem.
This growing inequality not just of result, inequality of
opportunity -- this growing inequality is not just morally wrong,
it’s bad economics. Because when
middle-class families have less to spend, guess what, businesses
have fewer consumers. When wealth concentrates at
the very top, it can inflate unstable bubbles that threaten the
economy. When the rungs on the ladder of
opportunity grow farther and farther apart, it undermines the very
essence of America -- that idea that if you work hard you can make
it here.
越来越严重的收入不平等不仅仅是一个道德上的错误,而且是糟糕的经济。因为当中产家庭没钱消费,最终商业也会枯萎。当财富集中在最顶尖的一部分人手中,会助长威胁经济的不稳定泡
沫。当上升机会阶梯上的台阶距离越来越开,这实际上是破坏了美国的本质精神(如果你努力工作你就能成功),这也是为什么华盛顿必须将逆转这种趋势作为最高优先级的任务。
And that’s why reversing these trends has to be Washington’s
highest priority.
(Applause.) It has to be Washington's highest
priority. (Applause.) It’s
certainly my highest priority.
(Applause.)
Unfortunately, over the past couple of years, in particular,
Washington hasn’t just ignored this problem; too often, Washington
has made things worse. (Applause.)
不幸的是,在过去的几年里,尤其是,华盛顿已经不只是忽略了这个问题,华盛顿往往使事情变得更糟。
And I have to say that -- because I'm looking around the room --
I've got some friends here not just who are
Democrats, I've got some friends here who are
Republicans -- (applause) -- and I worked with in the state
legislature and they did great work. But right
now, what we’ve got in Washington, we've seen a sizable group of
Republican lawmakers suggest that they wouldn’t vote to pay the
very bills that Congress rang up. And that fiasco
harmed a fragile recovery in 2011 and we can't afford to repeat
that.
Then, rather than reduce our deficits with a scalpel -- by
cutting out programs we don’t need, fixing ones that we do need
that maybe are in need of reform, making government more efficient
-- instead of doing that, we've got folks who’ve insisted on
leaving in place a meat cleaver called the sequester that's cost
jobs. It's harmed growth. It's
hurt our military. It's gutted investments in
education and science and medical research.
(Applause.)
Almost every credible economist will tell you it's been a huge
drag on this recovery. And it means that we're
underinvesting in the things that this country needs to make it a
magnet for good jobs.
Then, over the last six months, this gridlock has gotten
worse. I didn't think that was
possible. (Laughter.) The good
news is a growing number of Republican senators are looking to join
their Democratic counterparts and try to get things done in the
Senate. So that's good news.
(Applause.) For example, they worked together on
an immigration bill that economists say will boost our economy by
more than a trillion dollars, strengthen border security, make the
system work.
But you've got a faction of Republicans in the House who won’t
even give that bill a vote. And that same group
gutted a farm bill that America’s farmers depend on, but also
America's most vulnerable children depend on.
AUDIENCE MEMBER: Booo --
THE PRESIDENT: And if you ask some of these
folks, some of these folks mostly in the House, about their
economic agenda how it is that they'll strengthen the middle class,
they’ll shift the topic to “out-of-control government spending” –-
despite the fact that we've cut the deficit by nearly half as a
share of the economy since I took office.
(Applause.)
Or they’ll talk about government assistance for the poor,
despite the fact that they’ve already cut early education for
vulnerable kids. They've already cut insurance
for people who’ve lost their jobs through no fault of their
own. Or they’ll bring up Obamacare -- this is
tried and true -- despite the fact that our businesses have created
nearly twice as many jobs in this recovery as businesses had at the
same point in the last recovery when there was no
Obamacare. (Applause.)
AUDIENCE MEMBER: My daughter has insurance
now!
THE PRESIDENT: I appreciate
that. (Applause.) That’s what
this is about. That’s what this is
about. (Applause.) That’s what
we've been fighting for.
But with this endless parade of distractions and political
posturing and phony scandals, Washington has taken its eye off the
ball. And I am here to say this needs to
stop. (Applause.) This needs to
stop.
但是这没完没了的纷争,政治泼墨和假丑闻,华盛顿已丑态百出。我在这里说,够了,该停止。
This moment does not require short-term
thinking. It does not require having the same old
stale debates. Our focus has to be on the basic
economic issues that matter most to you, the people we
represent. That’s what we have to spend our time
on and our energy on and our focus on.
(Applause.)
And as Washington prepares to enter another budget debate, the
stakes for our middle class and everybody who is fighting to get
into the middle class could not be higher. The
countries that are passive in the face of a global economy, those
countries will lose the competition for good
jobs. They will lose the competition for high
living standards. That’s why America has to make
the investments necessary to promote long-term growth and shared
prosperity -- rebuilding our manufacturing base, educating our
workforce, upgrading our transportation systems, upgrading our
information networks.
(Applause.) That’s what we need to be talking
about. That’s what Washington needs to be focused
on.
And that’s why, over the next several weeks, in towns across
this country, I will be engaging the American people in this
debate. (Applause.) I'll lay
out my ideas for how we build on the cornerstones of what it means
to be middle class in America, and what it takes to work your way
into the middle class in America: Job security,
with good wages and durable industries. A good
education. A home to call your
own. Affordable health care when you get
sick. (Applause.) A secure
retirement even if you’re not rich. Reducing
poverty. Reducing inequality.
Growing opportunity. That’s what we
need. (Applause.) That’s what
we need. That’s what we need right
now. That’s what we need to be focused
on. (Applause.)
Now, some of these ideas I’ve talked about
before. Some of the ideas I offer will be
new. Some will require
Congress. Some I will pursue on my
own. (Applause.) Some ideas
will benefit folks right away. Some will take
years to fully implement. But the key is to break
through the tendency in Washington to just bounce from crisis to
crisis. What we need is not a three-month plan,
or even a three-year plan; we need a long-term American strategy,
based on steady, persistent effort, to reverse the forces that have
conspired against the middle class for decades. That has to be our
project. (Applause.)
Now, of course, we’ll keep pressing on other key priorities. I
want to get this immigration bill done. We still
need to work on reducing gun violence.
(Applause.) We’ve got to continue to end the war
in Afghanistan, rebalance our fight against al Qaeda.
(Applause.) We need to combat climate
change. We’ve got to standing up for civil
rights. We’ve got to stand up for women’s
rights. (Applause.)
So all those issues are important, and we’ll be fighting on
every one of those issues. But if we don’t have a
growing, thriving middle class then we won’t have the resources to
solve a lot of these problems. We won’t have the
resolve, the optimism, the sense of unity that we need to solve
many of these other issues.
Now, in this effort, I will look to work with Republicans as
well as Democrats wherever I can. And I sincerely
believe that there are members of both parties who understand this
moment, understand what’s at stake, and I will welcome ideas from
anybody across the political spectrum. But I will
not allow gridlock, or inaction, or willful indifference to get in
our way. (Applause.)
That means whatever executive authority I have to help the
middle class, I’ll use it.
(Applause.) Where I can’t act on my own and
Congress isn’t cooperating, I’ll pick up the phone -- I’ll call
CEOs; I’ll call philanthropists; I’ll call college presidents; I’ll
call labor leaders. I’ll call anybody who can
help -- and enlist them in our efforts.
(Applause.)
Because the choices that we, the people, make right now will
determine whether or not every American has a fighting chance in
the 21st century. And it will lay the foundation
for our children’s future, our grandchildren’s future, for all
Americans.
So let me give you a quick preview of what I’ll be fighting for
and why. The first cornerstone of a strong,
growing middle class has to be, as I said before, an economy that
generates more good jobs in durable, growing
industries. That's how this area was
built. That's how America
prospered. Because anybody who was willing to
work, they could go out there and they could find themselves a job,
and they could build a life for themselves and their family.
Now, over the past four years, for the first time since the
1990s, the number of American manufacturing jobs has actually gone
up instead of down. That's the good
news. (Applause.) But we can do
more. So I’m going to push new initiatives to
help more manufacturers bring more jobs back to the United
States. (Applause.) We’re going
to continue to focus on strategies to make sure our tax code
rewards companies that are not shipping jobs overseas, but creating
jobs right here in the United States of America.
(Applause.)
We want to make sure that -- we’re going to create strategies to
make sure that good jobs in wind and solar and natural gas that are
lowering costs and, at the same time, reducing dangerous carbon
pollution happen right here in the United States.
(Applause.)
And something that Cheri and I were talking about on the way
over here -- I’m going to be pushing to open more manufacturing
innovation institutes that turn regions left behind by global
competition into global centers of cutting-edge
jobs. So let’s tell the world that America is
open for business. (Applause.)
I know there’s an old site right here in Galesburg, over on
Monmouth Boulevard -- let’s put some folks to
work. (Applause.)
Tomorrow, I’ll also visit the Port of Jacksonville, Florida to
offer new ideas for doing what America has always done best, which
is building things. Pat and I were talking before
I came -- backstage -- Pat Quinn -- he was
talking about how I came over the Don Moffitt
Bridge. (Applause.) But we’ve
got work to do all across the country. We’ve got
ports that aren’t ready for the new supertankers that are going to
begin passing through the new Panama Canal in two years’
time. If we don’t get that done, those tankers
are going to go someplace else. We’ve got more
than 100,000 bridges that are old enough to qualify for Medicare.
(Laughter and applause.)
Businesses depend on our transportation systems, on our power
grids, on our communications networks. And
rebuilding them creates good-paying jobs right now that can’t be
outsourced. (Applause.)
And by the way, this isn’t a Democratic idea.
Republicans built a lot of stuff. This is the
Land of Lincoln. Lincoln was all about building
stuff -- first Republican President.
(Applause.) And yet, as a share of our economy,
we invest less in our infrastructure than we did two decades
ago. And that’s inefficient at a time when it’s
as cheap as it’s been since the 1950s to build
things. It’s inexcusable at a time when so many
of the workers who build stuff for a living are sitting at home
waiting for a call.
The longer we put this off, the more expensive it will be and
the less competitive we will be. Businesses of
tomorrow will not locate near old roads and outdated
ports. They’ll relocate to places with high-speed
Internet, and high-tech schools, and systems that move air and auto
traffic faster, and not to mention will get parents home quicker
from work because we’ll be eliminating some of these traffic
jams. And we can watch all of that happen in
other countries, and start falling behind, or we can choose to make
it happen right here, in the United States.
(Applause.)
In an age when jobs know no borders, companies are also going to
seek out the countries that boast the most talented citizens, and
they’ll reward folks who have the skills and the talents they need
-- they’ll reward those folks with good pay.
The days when the wages for a worker with a high school degree
could keep pace with the earnings of somebody who got some sort of
higher education -- those days are over.
Everybody here knows that. There are a whole
bunch of folks here whose dads or grandpas worked at a plant,
didn’t need a high school education. You could just go
there. If you were willing to work hard, you
might be able to get two jobs. And you could
support your family, have a vacation, own your
home. But technology and global competition,
they’re not going away. Those old days aren’t
coming back.
So we can either throw up our hands and resign ourselves to
diminishing living standards, or we can do what America has always
done, which is adapt, and pull together, and fight back, and
win. That’s what we have to do.
(Applause.)
And that brings me to the second cornerstone of a strong middle
class -- and everybody here knows it -- an education that prepares
our children and our workers for the global competition that
they’re going to face.
(Applause.) And if you think education is
expensive, wait until you see how much ignorance costs in the 21st
century. (Laughter and
applause.)
If we don’t make this investment, we’re going to put our kids,
our workers, and our country at a competitive disadvantage for
decades. So we have to begin in the earliest
years. And that’s why I’m going to keep pushing
to make high-quality preschool available for every 4-year-old in
America. (Applause.) Not just because we know it
works for our kids, but because it provides a vital support system
for working parents.
And I’m going to take action in the education area to spur
innovation that don’t require Congress.
(Applause.) So, today, for example, as we speak,
federal agencies are moving on my plan to connect 99 percent of
America’s students to high-speed Internet over the next five
years. We’re making that happen right
now. (Applause.) We’ve already
begun meeting with business leaders and tech entrepreneurs and
innovative educators to identify the best ideas for redesigning our
high schools so that they teach the skills required for a high-tech
economy.
And we’re also going to keep pushing new efforts to train
workers for changing jobs. So here in Galesburg,
for example, a lot of the workers that were laid off at Maytag
chose to enroll in retraining programs like the one at Carl
Sandburg College. (Applause.)
And while it didn’t pay off for everyone, a lot of the folks who
were retrained found jobs that suited them even better and paid
even more than the ones they had lost.
And that’s why I’ve asked Congress to start a Community College
to Career initiative, so that workers can earn the skills that
high-tech jobs demand without leaving their
hometown. (Applause.) And I’m
going to challenge CEOs from some of America’s best companies to
hire more Americans who’ve got what it takes to fill that job
opening but have been laid off for so long that nobody is giving
their résumé an honest look.
AUDIENCE MEMBER: More talent!
THE PRESIDENT: That, too.
I’m also going to use the power of my office over the next few
months to highlight a topic that’s straining the budgets of just
about every American family -- and that’s the soaring cost of
higher education. (Applause.)
Everybody is touched by this, including your President, who had a
whole bunch of loans he had to pay off.
(Laughter.)
Three years ago, I worked with Democrats to reform the student
loan system so that taxpayer dollars stopped padding the pockets of
big banks, and instead helped more kids afford
college. (Applause.) Then, I
capped loan repayments at 10 percent of monthly incomes for
responsible borrowers, so that if somebody graduated and they
decided to take a teaching job, for example, that didn’t pay a lot
of money, they knew that they were never going to have to pay more
than 10 percent of their income and they could afford to go into a
profession that they loved. That’s in place right
now. (Applause.) And this week,
we’re working with both parties to reverse the doubling of student
loan rates that happened a few weeks ago because of congressional
inaction. (Applause.)
So this is all a good start -- but it isn’t
enough. Families and taxpayers can’t just keep
paying more and more and more into an undisciplined system where
costs just keep on going up and up and up. We’ll
never have enough loan money, we’ll never have enough grant money,
to keep up with costs that are going up 5, 6, 7 percent a
year. We’ve got to get more out of what we
pay for.
家庭和纳税人没法跟上这毫无节制的系统,它只会越来越贵。如果开支每年上涨5,6,7%的话,我们将永远不会贷到足够的钱,永远不会有足够的补助金。
Now, some colleges are testing new approaches to shorten the
path to a degree, or blending teaching with online learning to help
students master material and earn credits in less
time. In some states, they’re testing new ways to
fund college based not just on how many students enroll, but how
many of them graduate, how well did they do.
So this afternoon, I’ll visit the University of Central Missouri
to highlight their efforts to deliver more bang for the buck to
their students. And in the coming months, I will
lay out an aggressive strategy to shake up the system, tackle
rising costs, and improve value for middle-class students and their
families. It is critical that we make sure that
college is affordable for every single American who’s willing to
work for it. (Applause.)
Now, so you’ve got a good job; you get a good education -- those
have always been the key stepping stones into the middle
class. But a home of your own has always been the
clearest expression of middle-class security. For
most families, that’s your biggest asset. For
most families, that’s where your life’s work has been
invested. And that changed during the crisis,
when we saw millions of middle-class families experience their home
values plummeting. The good news is over the past
four years, we’ve helped more responsible homeowners stay in their
homes. And today, sales are up and prices are up,
and fewer Americans see their homes underwater.
But we’re not done yet. The key now is to
encourage homeownership that isn’t based on unrealistic bubbles,
but instead is based on a solid foundation, where buyers and
lenders play by the same set of rules, rules that are clear and
transparent and fair.
So already, I’ve asked Congress to pass a really good,
bipartisan idea -- one that was championed, by the way, by Mitt
Romney’s economic advisor -- and this is the idea to give every
homeowner the chance to refinance their mortgage while rates are
still low so they can save thousands of dollars a
year. (Applause.) It will be
like a tax cut for families who can
refinance.
I’m also acting on my own to cut red tape for responsible
families who want to get a mortgage but the bank is saying
no. We’ll work with both parties to turn the page
on Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, and build a housing finance system
that’s rock-solid for future generations.
So we’ve got more work to do to strengthen home ownership in
this country. But along with home ownership, the
fourth cornerstone of what it means to be middle class in this
country is a secure retirement.
(Applause.) I hear from too many people across
the country, face to face or in letters that they send me, that
they feel as if retirement is just receding from their
grasp. It’s getting farther and farther
away. They can't see it.
我听到全国各地太多人,面对面或在他们送我的信件中,他们觉得无忧无虑的退休对于他们来说变得越来越遥远,已经看不到它的到来。
Now, today, a rising stock market has millions of retirement
balances going up, and some of the losses that had taken place
during the financial crisis have been recovered.
But we still live with an upside-down system where those at the
top, folks like me, get generous tax incentives to save, while tens
of millions of hardworking Americans who are struggling, they get
none of those breaks at all. So as we work to
reform our tax code, we should find new ways to make it easier for
workers to put away money, and free middle-class families from the
fear that they won't be able to retire.
(Applause.)
And if Congress is looking for a bipartisan place to get
started, I should just say they don’t have to look
far. We mentioned immigration reform
before. Economists show that immigration reform
makes undocumented workers pay their full share of taxes, and that
actually shores up the Social Security system for
years. So we should get that
done. (Applause.)
Good job; good education for your kids; home of your own; secure
retirement.
Fifth, I'm going to keep focusing on health care -- (applause)
-- because middle-class families and small business owners
deserve the security of knowing that neither an accident or an
illness is going to threaten the dreams that you’ve worked a
lifetime to build.
中产阶级家庭和小企业主不应该因为一个意外或疾病而拖垮一生心血建立的幸福生活。
As we speak, we're well on our way to fully implementing the
Affordable Care Act.
(Applause.) We're going to implement
it. Now, if you’re one of the 85 percent of
Americans who already have health insurance either through the job
or Medicare or Medicaid, you don’t have to do anything, but you
do have new benefits and better protections than you did
before. You may not know it, but you
do. Free checkups, mammograms, discounted
medicines if you're on Medicare -- that’s what the Affordable Care
Act means. You're already getting a better
deal. No lifetime limits.
如果你是那些85%的美国人,已经有医疗保险,不论是通过工作,老年医疗计划还是医疗援助计划,Obamacare对你影响不大,
If you don’t have health insurance, then starting on October
1st, private plans will actually compete for your business, and
you'll be able to comparison-shop online. There
will be a marketplace online, just like you’d buy a flat-screen TV
or plane tickets or anything else you're doing online, and you'll
be able to buy an insurance package that fits your budget and is
right for you.
如果你是那15%的,没有医疗保险,从10月1日开始,将会有不少私人计划供你挑选,你就可以比较比较选择。将会有一个网上市场,就像你从网络购买平面电视或飞机票一样,你就可以买适合你的保险,真正适合你的保险计划。
And if you're one of the up to half of all Americans who’ve been
sick or have a preexisting condition -- if you look at this
auditorium, about half of you probably have a preexisting condition
that insurance companies could use to not give you insurance if you
lost your job or lost your insurance -- well, this law means that
beginning January 1st, insurance companies will finally have to
cover you and charge you the same rates as everybody else, even if
you have a preexisting condition.
(Applause.) That’s what the Affordable Care Act
does. That’s what it does.
(Applause.)
Now, look, I know because I've been living it that there are
folks out there who are actively working to make this law
fail. And I don’t always understand exactly what
their logic is here, why they think giving insurance to folks who
don’t have it and making folks with insurance a little more secure,
why they think that’s a bad thing. But despite
the politically motivated misinformation campaign, the states that
have committed themselves to making this law work are finding that
competition and choice are actually pushing costs down.
So just last week, New York announced that premiums for
consumers who buy their insurance in these online marketplaces will
be at least 50 percent lower than what they're paying today -- 50
percent lower. (Applause.) So
folks' premiums in the individual market will drop by 50 percent.
And for them and for the millions of Americans
who’ve been able to cover their sick kids for the first time --
like this gentlemen who just said his daughter has got health
insurance -- or have been able to cover their employees more
cheaply, or are able to have their kids who are younger than -- who
are 25 or 26 stay on their parents' plan -- (applause) -- for all
those folks, you'll have the security of knowing that everything
you’ve worked hard for is no longer one illness away from being
wiped out. (Applause.)
Finally, as we work to strengthen these cornerstones of
middle-class security -- good job with decent wages and benefits, a
good education, home of your own, retirement security, health care
security -- I’m going to make the case for why we've got to rebuild
ladders of opportunity for all those Americans who haven't quite
made it yet -- who are working hard but are still suffering poverty
wages, who are struggling to get full-time work.
(Applause.)
There are a lot of folks who are still struggling out here, too
many people in poverty. Here in America, we’ve
never guaranteed success -- that's not what we
do. More than some other countries, we expect
people to be self-reliant. Nobody is going to do
something for you. (Applause.)
We've tolerated a little more inequality for the sake of a more
dynamic, more adaptable economy. That's all for
the good. But that idea has always been combined
with a commitment to equality of opportunity to upward mobility --
the idea that no matter how poor you started, if you're willing to
work hard and discipline yourself and defer gratification, you can
make it, too. That's the American
idea. (Applause.)
Unfortunately, opportunities for upward mobility in America
have gotten harder to find over the past 30
years. And that’s a betrayal of the American
idea. And that’s why we have to do a lot more to
give every American the chance to work their way into the middle
class.
不幸的是,向上流动的机会,在美国过去的30年里很难找到。这背叛美国梦想。这就是为什么我们必须做更多的事情,给每个美国人工作的机会,让他们进入中产阶级。
The best defense against all of these forces -- global
competition, economic polarization -- is the strength of the
community. So we need a new push to rebuild
rundown neighborhoods.
(Applause.) We need new partnerships with some of
the hardest-hit towns in America to get them back on their
feet. And because no one who works full-time
in America should have to live in poverty, I am going to keep
making the case that we need to raise the minimum wage --
(applause) -- because it's lower right now than it was when Ronald
Reagan took office. It's time for the minimum
wage to go up. (Applause.)
在美国全职工作的没有一个人应该生活在贫困中,我一直在坚持我们需要提高最低工资标准
-
因为现在最低工资比当罗纳德·里根上任时还低。该是提高最低工资的时候了。
We're not a people who allow chance of birth to decide life’s
biggest winners or losers. And after years in
which we’ve seen how easy it can be for any of us to fall on hard
times -- folks in Galesburg, folks in the Quad Cities, you know
there are good people who work hard and sometimes they get a bad
break. A plant leaves. Somebody
gets sick. Somebody loses a
home. We've seen it in our family, in our friends
and our neighbors. We've seen it
happen. And that means we cannot turn our backs
when bad breaks hit any of our fellow citizens.
So good jobs; a better bargain for the middle class and the
folks who are working to get into the middle class; an economy that
grows from the middle out, not the top down -- that's where I will
focus my energies. (Applause.)
That's where I will focus my energies not just for the next few
months, but for the remainder of my
presidency.
These are the plans that I'll lay out across this
country. But I won’t be able to do it alone, so
I'm going to be calling on all of us to take up this
cause. We’ll need our businesses, who are some of
the best in the world, to pressure Congress to invest in our
future. And I’ll be asking our businesses to set
an example by providing decent wages and salaries to their own
employees. And I’m going to highlight the ones
that do just that.
There are companies like Costco, which pays good wages and
offers good benefits.
(Applause.) Companies like -- there are companies
like the Container Store, that prides itself on training its
employees and on employee satisfaction -- because these companies
prove that it’s not just good for the employees, it’s good for
their businesses to treat workers well. It’s good
for America. (Applause.)
So I’m going to be calling on the private sector to step up. I
will be saying to Democrats we’ve got to question some of our old
assumptions. We’ve got to be willing to redesign
or get rid of programs that don't work as well as they
should. (Applause.) We’ve got to be willing to --
we’ve got to embrace changes to cherished priorities so that they
work better in this new age. We can't just --
Democrats can't just stand pat and just defend whatever government
is doing. If we believe that government can give
the middle class a fair shot in this new century -- and I believe
that -- we’ve an obligation to prove it. And that
means that we’ve got to be open to new ways of doing things.
And we’ll need Republicans in Congress to set aside short-term
politics and work with me to find common ground.
(Applause.)
It’s interesting, in the run-up to this speech, a lot of
reporters say that, well, Mr. President, these are all good ideas,
but some of you’ve said before; some of them sound great, but you
can't get those through Congress. Republicans
won’t agree with you. And I say, look, the fact
is there are Republicans in Congress right now who privately agree
with me on a lot of the ideas I’ll be proposing.
I know because they’ve said so. But they worry
they’ll face swift political retaliation for cooperating with
me.
Now, there are others who will dismiss every idea I put forward
either because they’re playing to their most strident supporters,
or in some cases because, sincerely, they have a fundamentally
different vision for America -- one that says inequality is both
inevitable and just; one that says an unfettered free market
without any restraints inevitably produces the best outcomes,
regardless of the pain and uncertainty imposed on ordinary
families; and government is the problem and we should just shrink
it as small as we can.
In either case, I say to these members of
Congress: I’m laying out my ideas to give the
middle class a better shot. So now it’s time for
you to lay out your ideas.
(Applause.) You can't just be against
something. You got to be for
something. (Applause.)
Even if you think I’ve done everything wrong, the trends I just
talked about were happening well before I took
office. So it’s not enough for you just to oppose
me. You got to be for
something. What are your ideas?
If you’re willing to work with me to strengthen American
manufacturing and rebuild this country’s infrastructure, let’s
go. If you’ve got better ideas to bring down the
cost of college for working families, let’s hear
them. If you think you have a better plan for
making sure that every American has the security of quality,
affordable health care, then stop taking meaningless repeal votes,
and share your concrete ideas with the country.
(Applause.)
Repealing Obamacare and cutting spending is not an economic
plan. It’s not.
If you’re serious about a balanced, long-term fiscal plan that
replaces the mindless cuts currently in place, or if you’re
interested in tax reform that closes corporate loopholes and gives
working families a better deal, I’m ready to
work. (Applause.) But you
should know that I will not accept deals that don’t meet the basic
test of strengthening the prospects of hardworking
families. This is the agenda we have to be
working on. (Applause.)
We’ve come a long way since I first took
office. (Applause.) As a
country, we’re older and wiser. I don’t know if
I’m wiser, but I’m certainly older.
(Laughter.) And as long as Congress doesn’t
manufacture another crisis -- as long as we don’t shut down the
government just because I’m for keeping it open -- (laughter) -- as
long as we don’t risk a U.S. default over paying bills that we’ve
already racked up, something that we’ve never done -- we can
probably muddle along without taking bold action.
If we stand pat and we don’t do any of the things I talked about,
our economy will grow, although slower than it
should. New businesses will
form. The unemployment rate will probably tick
down a little bit. Just by virtue of our size and
our natural resources and, most of all, because of the talent of
our people, America will remain a world power, and the majority of
us will figure out how to get by.
But you know what, that’s our choice. If we
just stand by and do nothing in the face of immense change,
understand that part of our character will be
lost. Our founding precepts about wide-open
opportunity, each generation doing better than the last -- that
will be a myth, not reality. The position of the
middle class will erode further. Inequality will
continue to increase. Money’s power will distort our politics even
more.
Social tensions will rise, as various groups fight to hold on to
what they have, or start blaming somebody else for why their
position isn’t improving. And the fundamental
optimism that’s always propelled us forward will give way to
cynicism or nostalgia.
And that’s not the vision I have for this
country. It’s not the vision you have for this
country. That’s not the America we
know. That’s not the vision we should be settling
for. That’s not a vision we should be passing on
to our children.
I have now run my last campaign. I do not
intend to wait until the next campaign or the next President before
tackling the issues that matter. I care about one
thing and one thing only, and that’s how to use every minute --
(applause) -- the only thing I care about is how to use every
minute of the remaining 1,276 days of my term -- (laughter) -- to
make this country work for working Americans
again. (Applause.) That’s all I
care about. I don’t have another
election. (Applause.)
Because I’ll tell you, Galesburg, that’s where I believe America
needs to go. I believe that’s where the American
people want to go. And it may seem hard today,
but if we’re willing to take a few bold steps -- if Washington will
just shake off its complacency and set aside the kind of
slash-and-burn partisanship that we’ve just seen for way too long
-- if we just make some common-sense decisions, our economy will be
stronger a year from now. It will be stronger
five years from now. It will be stronger 10 years
from now. (Applause.)
If we focus on what matters, then more Americans will know the
pride of that first paycheck. More Americans will
have the satisfaction of flipping the sign to “Open” on their own
business. More Americans will have the joy of
scratching the height of their kid on that door of their brand-new
home. (Applause.)
And in the end, isn't that what makes us
special? It's not the ability to generate
incredible wealth for the few; it's our ability to give everybody a
chance to pursue their own true measure of
happiness. (Applause.) We
haven’t just wanted success for ourselves -- we want it for our
neighbors, too. (Applause.)
When we think about our own communities -- we're not a mean
people; we're not a selfish people; we're not a people that just
looks out for “number one.” Why should our
politics reflect those kinds of values? That’s
why we don’t call it John’s dream or Susie’s dream or Barack’s
dream or Pat's dream -- we call it the American
Dream. And that’s what makes this country
special -- the idea that no matter who you are or
what you look like or where you come from or who you love, you can
make it if you try. (Applause.) That’s what we're
fighting for.
当我们想想我们自己的社区
-
我们不是刻薄的人,我们不是一个自私的人,我们不是只看一把手袖手旁观的人,为什么我们的政治就不能反映这些价值观?这就是为什么我们不叫约翰的梦想,苏西的梦想,巴拉克的梦想或帕特的梦想
-
我们把它叫做“美国梦”。而这正是这个国家的价值观,不管你是谁或你是什么样子,你来自哪里,或者你爱谁,只要你努力你就可以办到。
这就是我们为之奋斗的东西。
So, yes, Congress is tough right now, but that’s not going to
stop me. We're going to do everything we can,
wherever we can, with or without Congress, to make things
happen. We're going to go on the road and
talk to you, and you'll have ideas, and we want to see which ones
we can implement. But we're going to focus on
this thing that matters.
所以,是的,国会现在很难对付,但这不会阻止我。我们将尽我们所能,我们可以在任何地方,不管有没有国会,都要将这事干成。
One of America’s greatest writers, Carl Sandburg, born right
here in Galesburg over a century ago -- (applause) -- he saw the
railroads bring the world to the prairie, and then the prairie sent
out its bounty to the world. And he saw the
advent of new industries, new technologies, and he watched
populations shift. He saw fortunes made and
lost. And he saw how change could be painful --
how a new age could unsettle long-held customs and ways of
life. But he had that frontier optimism, and so
he saw something more on the horizon. And he
wrote, “I speak of new cities and new people. The
past is a bucket of ashes. Yesterday is a wind
gone down, a sun dropped in the west. There is
only an ocean of tomorrows, a sky of tomorrows.”
Well, America, we’ve made it through the worst of yesterday’s
winds. We just have to have the courage to keep
moving forward. We've got to set our eyes on the
horizon. We will find an ocean of
tomorrows. We will find a sky of tomorrows for
the American people and for this great country that we love.
So thank you. God bless you.
And God bless the United States of America.