| 分类: ◈史海观潮◈ |
美国历史教科书中的明朝和清朝(原文下半部分)
Enraged upon seeing the memorial, the emperor ordered guards to
make sure *Hai Rui* did not escape. The guards answered that there
was no need to worry. Hai Rui was calmly waiting outside and had
even brought his own coffin along. The emperor realized that having
Hai Rui killed immediately would make him a martyr, and all of his
accusations against the emperor would ring true to other officials,
who might then cause trouble. So the emperor had Hai Rui thrown in
prison while the court manufactured evidence against the courageous
official. Hai Rui was tortured and sentenced to death, but Emperor
Shizong died unexpectedly, before the sentence could be carried
out. The next emperor realized that he could use Hai Rui to enhance
the imperial image by appearing to heed criticism and favor honest
officials. Hai Rui resumed his official career, but his sharp
criticism was not reserved for the emperor alone. He also managed
to offend many other officials, which caused his *dismissal from
office,* though only temporarily. Hai Rui was eventually "promoted"
to the prestigious but "harmless" post of Censor-in-Chief of
Nanjing. This post was a great honor but lacked actual power. After
his death, Hai Rui became idealized as a perfect official and
paragon of courageous remonstrance. Courageous remonstrance was one
of the highest values in Chinese political culture, but those who
actually practiced it were few.
(In Ming times, and also today, a common technique for
criticizing others in China was to compare them with certain
historical figures. In 1962 Wu Han, Deputy Mayor of Beijing, wrote
a play, Hai Rui Dismissed from Office (Hai Rui ba guan). The play
featured Hai Rui as an honest minister who stood up for the common
people but whom an autocratic emperor dismissed from office. Such a
play might seem devoid of controversy at first glance, but at the
time, many considered it a thinly veiled critique of China's
autocratic leader Mao Zedong, who in 1959 dismissed his defense
minister under circumstances similar to those Wu Han depicted in
the play. Many historians regard a 1965 article denouncing Wu Han's
play as the start of the Cultural Revolution.)
The Ming dynasty was a dangerous, frustrating time for those
involved in politics. Many would-be officials therefore stayed out
of government and turned their attention to cultural pursuits. Many
of China's greatest novels were written during the Ming dynasty.
Although the novel was not a fully respected form of literature at
the time, today many Ming novels are considered classics of world
literature. The most famous Ming novels are The Golden Lotus (also
known as Jin Ping Mei), The Romance of the Three Kingdoms, The
Water Margin (also known as All Men Are Brothers), and Journey to
the West. *Novels* were quite popular in Ming times among the
well-to-do (remember, the majority of Chinese at this time were
illiterate), who found them much more interesting than dry,
moralistic Confucian literature. The Golden Lotus, for example is
as racy as any modern novel, if not more so. Some Confucian
moralists condemned this and other novels as pornography but still
managed, it seems, to read them in private. The Ming dynasty was
perhaps the high water mark for Chinese erotic culture (or low
water mark, some moralists would say). The Qing emperors proved to
be much more puritanical (for want of a better term) than their
Ming counterparts and promoted policies to suppress many forms of
sexual expression. (#more about novels#)
The Ming dynasty was also a time of great activity in drama. Many
plays written at this time took the form of dreams, which allowed
for greater freedom of dramatic effect. In the eighteenth century,
many classic dramas from the Ming dynasty were adapted to popular
audiences. This process gave birth to #Beijing Opera,# featuring
elaborate acrobatics and singing, which is still popular
today.
By the 1620s, the Manchus began to encroach on Chinese territory.
The region known as Manchuria is today the extreme northeast
portion of China, across the border from North Korea. In the early
1600s it was not part of the Chinese empire. The Manchus were
cultural cousins of the Mongols, who lived farther to the west and
pursued a similar lifestyle of nomadic herding. By the 1620s, the
Ming dynasty was potentially still quite strong. It lacked
political unity, however, and also faced serious financial
problems. A domestic rebel, Li Zicheng, captured Beijing in 1644.
When the capital fell, the last Ming emperor hung himself and many
others took their own lives as well:
Minister of Revenue Ni Yuanlu hanged himself, and twelve members
of his household followed him. Others who committed suicide
included the minister of works, the censor in chief, a vice
minister of justice, and the chief justice of the Grand Court of
Revision. Officials of middle grades and junior ranks who chose to
die rather than survive the dynasty were countless. Some 200 women
drowned themselves in the creek that flowed through the palace
compound.8
Although the Ming dynasty was not able to save itself, it
retained the loyal support of many officials and other subjects.
Throughout the next dynasty, there would remain a lingering feeling
of loyalty to the memory of the fallen Ming.
Combined Chinese and Manchu forces drove the rebel Li out of
Beijing, though not before Li's soldiers went on a rampage of
terror and looting. The Manchus set themselves up in the fallen
Ming capital, thereby establishing China's last imperial dynasty,
the Qing.
Founding of the Qing Dynasty
In general, the Qing emperors left the Ming system of government
in place, but they made a few significant changes. The first major
change was establishing the Manchu banner system in north China. A
"Banner" was an administrative unit that consisted of several
military colonies. These colonies were responsible for supplying
designated numbers of soldiers to the government in times of
military need. There were several banners, each with its own lands.
The members of the military colonies engaged in agriculture and
enjoyed tax and other benefits in return for their military service
obligations. Most of the Banners were Manchu, but the dynasty did
establish some Banners that consisted of Chinese or other ethnic
groups such as Mongolians. The effectiveness of the banner system
declined in the later part of the dynasty, but in early Qing times,
it functioned well as a cost-effective way to maintain a powerful
military organization.
Although Manchu soldiers had taken the capital and established
their banner system in the vicinity, it would be almost half a
century before they completely conquered the Chinese empire.
Resistance to the Manchus in the south of China was widespread and
lasted into the 1680s. The last stronghold of the Ming loyalists
was the island of Taiwan, which fell in 1683. It was at this point
that all of China came under Manchu rule, but an undercurrent of
Chinese resentment of the Manchus lingered throughout the life of
the dynasty.
The Manchu emperors embraced Chinese institutions and culture but
simultaneously took steps to preserve Manchu culture. With a few
exceptions, they went out of their way to avoid exacerbating
cultural and ethnic tensions. The Manchu rulers undertook the study
of Chinese language and culture, and the great Kangxi emperor (r.
1662-1722) was a master of the Confucian classics and other forms
of Chinese literature. Ray Huang points out that "The Qing
emperors, on the whole, lived much closer to the expectation of the
Chinese tradition than did numerous indigenous rulers of preceding
dynasties."9 Early Qing emperors became sinicized, ruled firmly but
well, and came closer to the ideal of sage rulers than any emperor
of the previous Ming dynasty. The population recovered from the
problems of the late Ming years and prospered. This situation
engendered a dilemma for those educated Chinese who had lived
during the time of the Ming dynasty, and, to a lesser extent,
educated Chinese any time in the Qing era:
Traditional statecraft, growing out of the teachings of Mencius,
taught them [educated Chinese] to value the satisfaction of the
population at large regardless of the origin of the ruler . . . .
On that count, they had no cause to raise their standard against
the Qing. Yet, bound by the practice of those days, to acquiesce
[to Manchu rule] was to collaborate, which would always be a source
of inner conflict.10
Should one serve an alien dynasty of "barbarians" that
nevertheless ruled well, or, should one refuse to serve the state
out of loyalty to the previous Ming dynasty or out of an
ethnocentric sense that "Chinese" do not serve "barbarians?" It is
safe to say that this issue crossed the mind of nearly every
educated Chinese at one time or another during the Qing dynasty.
Even the great modern scholar Qian Mu had to deal with these sorts
of questions. At age eight, in 1904, he was shocked to hear from a
teacher that the emperor of China was not Chinese:
My teacher Bogui also told me, 'You know that our emperor is not
Chinese, don't you?' I was shocked and said I didn't know. When I
got home I asked my father about it. He said, 'Your teacher is
right. Our emperor is a Manchu, and we are Han [Chinese] people.
That's why there are sometimes things in the shops with both Han
and Man[chu] writing.'11
Throughout most of the Qing dynasty we do not find nationalism in
the modern sense of the word.12 For one thing, only a small portion
of the total population--persons with a high level of
education--probably had a strong consciousness of themselves as
distinctly "Chinese." It is easy to overstate the degree of ethnic
tension at the time by reading our modern conceptions of "nation"
into the premodern past. Still, some degree of Chinese-Manchu
ethnic tension always existed at or below the surface of Qing
China.
Qing emperors were ever on the lookout for Chinese writings
critical of Manchus or northern "barbarians" in general. Qing
authorities burned such writings, and those associated with them
would face severe punishment. Lu Liuliang was a bitterly
anti-Manchu scholar, physician and monk who died in 1683. His
anti-Manchu writings circulated underground in central China and
inspired a young schoolteacher, Zeng Jing, to explore the
possibility of overthrowing the Qing state. His plot was found out
and he was arrested. Upon investigating the matter, the Yongzheng
emperor became enraged that Lu's writings were in circulation. He
responded by having Lu's corpse exhumed and dismembered. Then he
had all of Lu's surviving relatives enslaved or exiled to remote
locations. As for Zeng Jing, the emperor used him for positive
publicity: "He made a dramatic gesture of pardoning Zeng with no
more than a reprimand on the grounds that he had been gullible."13
But Zeng was not so fortunate in the long run. When the Yongzheng
emperor died, his son, the new emperor, "Claiming filial loyalty to
his insulted father . . . reversed Yongzheng's edict of clemency
and ordered the unfortunate Zeng Jing . . . sliced to pieces in the
market of [Beijing]."14 Though generally more benevolent than their
Ming predecessors, there were some things China's Manchu rulers
would not tolerate.
Although China's new rulers quickly learned Chinese culture and
presented themselves as Confucian sages, they did impose one aspect
of Manchu culture onto the entire Chinese male population. As a
sign of submission to Manchu rule, the dynasty required all males
to wear their hair in Manchu style. This style differed markedly
from Chinese style and required shaving some hair at the top of the
forehead and allowing the rest to grow into a long braided
ponytail. In English, this hair style is commonly called the
*queue.* It is easy to identify pictures and photographs from the
Qing period because men will inevitably have queues during this
dynasty but not before or after. Because wearing the queue was a
political act, cutting it was one way to make an anti-Manchu
political statement--a statement punishable by death during Qing
times.

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