83 A.A.Gromyko’s Speech at the First Special Session of the UN General Assembly

Official Records of the First Special Session of the General Assembly, vol.I, Plenary Meetings of the General Assembly, 28 April—15 May, pp.127-35

New York 14 May 1947

Mr.Gromyko (Union of Soviet Socialist Republics) (translated from Russian)

The course of the discussion, both in the plenary meeting of the General Assembly and in the First Committee, has shown that the Palestine question has become an acute political problem. Apparently, this opinion is shared by all the delegations which took part in the discussion. This conclusion is supported by the very fact that this question is being discussed by the United Nations.

  However, the fact that the Palestine question has become a subject of discussion in the General Assembly not only shows that the question is acute, but also imposes upon the United Nations the responsibility for its solution. This fact obliges us to study the question carefully from every angle; and we should be guided by the purposes and principles of our organization and by the interests of the maintenance of peace and international security.

  The course of discussion has also show that at this special session of the Assembly it is apparently difficult to take any definite and, still more, any final decision on the substance of the problem. Thus, the discussion at this

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session can be considered only as the initial stage of the consideration of the Palestine problem. In the opinion of all the delegations, the General Assembly will have to take a decision on the substance of this question at its next regular session at the end of 1947.

  Nevertheless, the discussion has shown that the delegations of a number of states considered it useful to exchange views on certain important aspects of the Palestine question at this session. The discussion, even though incomplete, of certain important aspects of this question has been useful. In the first place, it has enabled delegations to gain a better knowledge of the faces relating to the Palestine question and, in particular, to the second place, such a discussion, although it is of a preliminary nature, lightens the task of defining the functions and direction of the work of the committee which we are about to establish for the purpose of preparing proposal on the substance of the question for the regular session of the General Assembly.

  In discussing the Palestine question, even in a preliminary fashion, and in discussing the tasks and functions of the aforementioned committee, we cannot fail to note, first of all , the important fact that the mandatory system of administration of Palestine, established in 1922, has not justified itself. It has not passed the test. It is hardly possible to contest the accuracy of this conclusion. It is an indisputable fact that the aims laid down at the time of the establishment of the mandate have not been achieved. The solemn declarations which accompanied the establishment of the mandatory system of administration of Palestine have remained declarations and have not been transformed into facts.

  The conclusion that the mandatory system of administration of Palestine has not justified itself is confirmed by the whole history of the administration of Palestine on the basis of this system, not to mention the confirmation of this conclusion by the situation which has developed in that country at the present time. In this connection, it may be recalled that in 1937 the British Peel Commission, after studying the Palestine situation, declared that it was impossible to carry out the mandates. Such a conclusion was also reached by the permanent Mandates Commission of the League of Nations, which also pointed out the “impossibility’ of implementing the Palestine mandate. The committee we are about to set up should ascertain the historical facts relating to this question.

  Many other facts relating to the history of the mandatory administration of Palestine could be adduced to confirm the bankruptcy of this system of administration. It is hardly necessary, however, to enumerate these facts in detail. In this connection, for instance, it is enough to mention the Arab uprising which took place in 1936 and continued for several years. There are also enough facts relating to the situation existing in Palestine at the present time to confirm the aforementioned conclusion. We all know of the sanguinary events taking place in Palestine. Such events are becoming more and more frequent.

  For the reason, these events are attracting increasing attention from the peoples of the world and, above all, from the United Nations. This question is being considered by the General Assembly as a direct result of the bankruptcy of the mandatory system of administration of Palestine, which has led to an extreme aggravation of the situation and to sanguinary events in that country. The very fact that the United Kingdom government itself submitted this question for the consideration of the General Assembly is extremely indicative. This fact can only be considered as an admission that is impossible for the existing situation in Palestine to continue. The special committee should make a careful study of the situation

  It is well known that representatives of the United Kingdom government have stated, at various time, even before the question was submitted to the General Assembly, that the mandatory system of administration of Palestine has not justified itself and that the solution of the problem of how to deal with Palestine should be found by the United Nations. Thus, for instance, Mr.Bevin made the following statement in the House of Commons on 18 February 1947:

  We intend to place before them [the United Nations] a historical account of the way in which His Majesty’s government have discharged their trust in Palestine over the last twenty-five years. We shall explain that the mandate has prove to be unworkable in practice and that the obligations undertaken to the two communities in Palestine have been shown to be irreconcilable.

This statement by the British foreign minister directly and openly recognizes the real situation which has been brought about by the mandatory administration of Palestine. It is an admission that this administration did not solve the question of mutual relations between the Arabs the Jews, which is one of the most important and acute questions, and that this administration has not ensured the achievement of the aims laid down when the mandate was established.

The existing from of government, as Mr.Bevin has affirmed, is acceptable neither to the Arab population nor to the Jewish population of Palestine. Both the Arabs and the Jews protest against it. It has never enjoyed, and does not enjoy the support of the peoples of Palestine; and without such support it can only lead to further difficulties and complexities in the situation. Concerning the attitude of the Arab and Jewish populations towards the mandatory system of administration of Palestine, the British foreign minister stated in his speech to the House of Commons on 26 February 1947 that the Palestine administration was faced with an extremely difficult task, did not enjoy the support of the people and was subjected to criticism from both sides.

 The committee we are about to set up cannot fail to take into account the conclusions reached by the United Kingdom government itself concerning the results of the mandatory administration of Palestine.

It is well know that it is not only the United Kingdom government which has reached this conclusion. For instance, the so-called Anglo-American Committee of Enquiry on Palestine, which studied the question in 1946, came

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to a conclusion which was essentially the same. This committee’s report on the prevailing situation in Palestine contains the following passage:

  Palestine is an armed camp. We saw signs of this almost as soon as we crossed the frontier and we become more and more aware of the tense atmosphere each day. Many buildings have barbed wire and other defences. We ourselves were closely guarded by armed police and were often escorted by armoured cars… throughout the country there are substantially built police barracks.*(See Anglo-American Committee of Enquiry---Report to the United States Government and His Majesty’s Government in the United Kingdom, chapter IX, section1. Lausanne, Switzerland, 1946.)

That is how the Anglo-American Committee described the position in Palestine. Its description is still another proof of the results of the mandatory administration of Palestine. That Palestine, as the committee states, has become ‘an armed camp’ is a fact which speaks for itself. In such circumstances, there can be no serious talk of defending the interests of the population of Palestine, of improving the material conditions of its existence, or of raising its culture level.

  The same Anglo-American Committee pointed out the following extremely interesting facts:

  The total number of persons in full-time employment in the police and prison administration reached 15,000 in 1945. This figure is extremely indicative. It explains to us how the considerable funds, which are a burden on the population, are expended. In other circumstances, these funds might be used in the interests of the economic and cultural development of the country and in the interests of its population. Here is another fact. In 1944-45, 18,400,000 US dollars were spent on the maintenance of ‘law and order’. In the same financial year, only 2,200,000 US dollars were spent on health measures, and 2,800,000 US dollars on education.

In citing these figures, the Anglo-American Committee came to the following noteworthy conclusion:’ thus, even from a budgetary point of view, Palestine has developed into a semi-military or police state’. **(See Anglo-American Committee of Enquiry---Report to the United States Government and His Majesty’s Government in the United Kingdom, chapter III, section4.)