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各位网友新年快乐，这是Krashen在2013年12月17日，刚刚发表的文章。
马上就被我看到，并翻译过来和大家分享。12月31号他又写了篇文章，下次博客我会继续翻译，敬请关注
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当科学家在基于一种比较弱的证据来推论时，使用术语“猜想”而不是“假说”。这就是一个例子，我的假说是：二语的口音，即便是成人，也能又快又好的习得。
我们只是不愿意使用我们最好的口音，原因很简单，就是那么做是我们自己觉得好傻。用更正式点的术语说，我们有“输出过滤”，一种阻止我们尽全力做出我们最好的表现的障碍。这种障碍非常强大。要想有意识的降低或削弱这种障碍是非常困难甚至也许是不可能的。（输出过滤和情感或输入过滤不同。情感过滤阻止我们输入，而输出过滤住址我们使用我们已经习得的。“博主理解：就是你本来会说，由于心理障碍，你不好意思说”）

这里有些弱证据。很多是基于我自己的经验，但我怀疑，在把这些想法呈现给读者和获得响应，就可以知道读者们也必然有类似的体验。

1.    可变性:我们的二语口音是可变的，这种变化基于我们的感觉
我们通常被情况影响，尤其是我们是否感觉到自己被人评估。如果我对不会说英语（或至少英语说得不好）的人说法语，并且也没观众在场，并且我的交谈者让我防松，这种情况下我必须说，我的口音不错。在某些场景下，有人告诉我，说我说法语简直连一点法语味道都没有。关于后面这种情况，这有个例子，这个经验我希望有的读者能够认同。在1980年早些时候，我去访问Ottawa，会见以前的同事们，用法语讨论，讨论的内容是我几年前在哪里工作时时候就已经开始的关于sheltered课题教学。我对和我讨论的小组感觉很舒服；他们中有我的一个密友和我以前的法语老师。我做的很好（博主：指法语发音不错）。当我正在黑板前，陈述一点，一个陌生人进入了房间。我的思想开始浮动：这个人可能是个母语为法语的人，或至少法语说的比我强得多，并且他可能认为我说的法语是糟糕的。我的口音和流利程度立刻就不可抑制的变糟糕了。换句话说，我的输出过滤出现了。世界上最有成就的多语言专家，匈牙利的KatoLomb博士报告中说，她也有过类似经验。现在，88岁的KatoLomb博士已经习得了17门语言，并正在学习Hebrew。我最近访问过Lomb博士几次并且我们说英语（她的英语非常优秀）。有一次拜访中，我的老婆和女儿和我一起去了。Lomb特意和我说，如果我和她单独在一起的时候，她的英语口音就会好很多。她解释说，她和我夫人和女儿在一起的时候，感觉很舒服，但是，事实上她了解她们并没有了解我那么好。这个事实引起了她的一点下意识的的本能并伤害了她的表现。Lomb博士是一个非常有名的语言习得者和有经验的翻译；如果她感觉到了输出过滤的效果，那么我们可以确定，别人也会感觉到这种效果。
2. 我们的模仿第一语言其他方言的能力，和模仿外语口音一样。
给予足够的输入，我们至少能在某种程度上做到这些。问题是我们做不到，因为如果这样做，我们会感觉不舒服。输出过滤阻碍着我们。某种程度上，我能下意识的模仿英国口音并且当我这么做的时候，甚至不清楚我正在做什么样的声音的调整。然而当我和来自伦敦的人交谈时，我并没有使用英国口音。我的直觉是这么做将是不礼貌或者是荒谬的，就好像我在拿他的口音取笑，或者是我正装成另外一个人。类似的，我们在第一语言里，能模仿外地口音。明显地，我们在平常会话中不会这么做。如果这么做会被认为是粗鲁。口音能被允许使用的场合是有一个明确范围的，比如在讲笑话或演出中。即便是在这些情况下，口音的使用也是敏感的。在演戏中，方言必须模仿的非常精准，在笑话中，方言的使用可能是贬义的。我们拥有这种能力，但是又不愿意去使用方言，再一次显示我们并没有完全的表现出我们的全部能力，并且有强大的情感力量牢牢的阻碍我们。
  3. 酒精研究. Guiora,Beit-Hallahmi, Brannon, Dull,和 Scovel (1972)要求实验对象在吃完一个糖棒后和不同数量的酒。不出所料，在喝比较多的酒的情况下，实验对象的短期记忆减少了。然而，在实验对象喝了1.5盎司的bourbon酒后，外语的口音最好。如果喝的酒在少点或多点，效果就不这么好。换句话说，有个理想的醉酒程度。我们都知道，酒精具有降低顾虑的效果。我对这些结果的解释是，酒精降低了输出过滤，至少暂时的。然而如果太多的酒精，就会影响说话的精准。
4. Stevick的例子  Stevick(1980)描述了一个他在外语服务机构教的只有3个学生的课。有一个学生比其余两个明显的水平高。当最好的学生不得不放弃了这个课后，水平第二的学生突然表现出了戏剧性的能力的改善。我的猜想是，这个学生的输出过滤降低了，不再受那个好学生的抑制。
讨论：
为了理解什么因素在发挥着作用，我们需要考虑语言是什么。社会语言学家们告诉我们，语言有两个功能：用来沟通和用来标识我们属于某一个社会群体。在标示我们是属于某一个社会群体中起主要作用的语言部分，就是口音。口音和沟通几乎没什么关系；我们可以用习得的另外的语言沟通的很好，只是一些声音系统而已。口音告诉听众你是谁，你从哪里来，有些情况下表明你的社会等级，在另一些情况下表明你的价值观。当我们和社会群体中的其他成员保持一致时候，我们采用他们的方式。
Beebe的回顾 (Beebe, 1985)确认了这点。我们并不总是模仿我们经常听到的话。儿童通常模仿小伙伴的说话方式而不是父母或老师的说话方式。 (有些情况下，儿童确实说话像父母，这些儿童和父母的价值观保持一致，而不是和其他儿童保持一致。这说明，社会群体身份识别在起作用)
我的猜想是，口音可以迅速习得但却不会表现出来，因为我们和那些使用这种口音的社会群体的成员感觉不同。我们并不是这个俱乐部的一员(Smith,1988).或者我们不希望成为或没有被邀请成为其中的一员。即便是我们感觉到我们至少是这个群体的一部分了，我们还是能突然感觉到突然被排除了，其结果就是引发一种奇怪的输出过滤。如果这个猜想是正确的，那就对教学法带来有趣的意味。尽管有各种可用的口音改善课程，但并无证据表明二语的口音可以通过直接教学而被永久的改善。即便我们可以通过教学改善口音，其结果也许是有害的。让人们像他们不喜欢的群体一样的说话可能和劝说某人去穿不合适的服装一样-在非正式午餐穿燕尾服或者在一个正式晚餐穿运动服。
这个猜想并不是建议说，那些生活在其第二语言环境的并且自身第二语言口音不纯正的人不能成为当地社会的一员。实际上，这建议的情况恰恰相反。多数二语习得者有好的口音。仔细的听他/她们。如果是成人期间开始的第二语言，他/她们极少能做到口音完美。但是他/她们典型的习得了可观的声音系统。
他/她们当然不会只用自己的第一语言的声音系统来说第二语言。问题是我们通常使用全部或没有的方法来判断一个人的口音。无论它是像母语级的或者是带有口音的。实际上，很多二语习得者习得了很大数量的口音。此外，好像是我们在听他/她们的发音时是在不够理想的情感过滤条件下：如果有低输出过滤，他/她可能表现的更好。如果这一猜想是正确的，我们可以得出的另外的结论是：当考察发音质量或者当讨论成人发音习得的极限的时候，只有在最佳条件下（最低输出过滤）发出的最佳口音，才可以被用来考虑和研究。

A Conjecture on Accent in a Second Language

Stephen Krashen

In: Z. Lengyel, J. Navracsics, and O. Simon (Eds.)1997. Applied Linguistic Studies in Central Europe, vol 1.Department of Applied Linguistics, University of Veszprem,Hungary.

Scientists use the term "conjecture" when theirgeneralization is based on such flimsy evidence that it does notdeserve the label "hypothesis." This is such a case. My conjectureis that accurate pronunciation in a second language, even inadults, is acquired rapidly and very well. We simply do not use ourbest accents because we feel silly. Restated in more respectableterms, we have an "output filter," a block that keeps us from doingour best, from "performing our competence." This block is powerfuland it is difficulty, maybe impossible, to lower or weaken it withconscious effort. (The output filter differs from the affective, orinput filter. The affective filter prevents input from reaching thelanguage acquisition device. The output filter prevents us fromusing what

we have acquired.)

Here is the flimsy evidence. Much of it is based onmy own experience, but I suspect, after presenting these ideas to anumber of audiences and getting reactions, that others have hadsimilar experiences.

1. Variability: Our accents in second languagesvary, depending on how we feel. We are influenced by the situation,especially whether we feel we are being evaluated. When I speakFrench to someone who doesn’t speak English (or at least not verywell), where there is no audience, and I am comfortable with thatperson, I must say that my accent is not bad. On other occasions Ihave been told that I speak French without a traced of a Frenchaccent.

Here is an example of the latter, an experience Ihope some readers can identify with. I was visiting Ottawa in theearly 1980’s, meeting with former colleagues, discussing, inFrench, our work on sheltered subject matter teaching which hadbegun when I worked there a few years before. I was verycomfortable with the group I was talking with; they included aclose friend and my former French teacher. I was doing very well.While I was at the chalkboard, making a point, a stranger enteredthe room. My mind raced: This man is probably a native speaker ofFrench, or at least much better than I am, and he probably thinksmy French is terrible. My accent and fluency deterioratedimmediately and involuntarily. In other words, my output filterwent up.

One of the most accomplished polyglots in theworld, Dr. Kato Lomb of Hungary, reports that she has had similarexperiences. Now 88, Dr. Lomb has acquired 17 languages and is nowworking on Hebrew. I visited Dr. Lomb several times recently, andwe spoke English (her English is excellent). On one visit, my wifeand daughter came with me. Dr. Lomb remarked to me that she felther accent in English had been better when we were alone. Sheexplained that she felt quite comfortable with my wife anddaughter, but the

fact that she did not know them as well as she knewme caused a small amount of selfconsciousness and hurt herperformance. Dr. Lomb is an enormously successful language acquirerand an experienced interpreter; if she feels the effects of theoutput filter, we can be sure others do.

2. Our ability to imitate other dialects of ourfirst language, as well as foreign accents.

Given sufficient input, we can all do these thingsto at least some extent. The point is that we do not, because wewould feel uncomfortable doing so. The output filter holds usback.I can imitate, to some extent, a British accent. I haveacquired the rules for doing so subconsciously, and have no ideawhat kind of articulatory adjustments I am making when I do it. Ido not, however, use a British accent when speaking to someone fromLondon. My perception is that it would be rude, and evenridiculing, as if I were making fun of his speech, or as if I wererepresenting myself as someone I am not.

Similarly, we can imitate foreign accents in ourfirst language. Obviously, we do not do this in ordinaryconversation. It would, we feel, be perceived as rude.

There are domains in which the use of these accentsis permitted, in plays and jokes, for example. Even in thesesituations, however, their use is sensitive. In plays, dialectsmust be rendered very accurately, and in jokes their use can bedemeaning.

Our ability, yet reluctance to use accents anddialects again shows that we do not perform our competence fullyand that there are powerful affective forces holding us back.

3. The alcohol study. Guiora, Beit-Hallahmi,Brannon, Dull, and Scovel (1972) asked subjects to drink differentamounts of alcohol after eating a candy bar. Not unexpectedly, theyreported that subjects’ short-term memory decreased with greaterconsumption.

Accent in a foreign language, however, was bestafter subjects drank 1.5 ounces of bourbon. It was less accuratewith both less and more than this amount of alcohol. There was, inother words, an optimal point of inebriation. As most of us know,alcohol has the effect of lowering inhibitions. My interpretationof these results is that alcohol lowers the output filter, at leasttemporarily. Too much alcohol, however, disturbs control of thespeech apparatus.

4. Stevick’s example. Stevick (1980) describes aSwahili class he taught at the Foreign

Service Institute that had three students in it.One was at a significantly higher level than the others. When thetop student had to drop the class, the number two student suddenlyshowed a dramatic improvement. My conjecture is that his outputfilter lowered, freed from the inhibiting influence of the betterstudent. Discussion

To understand what factors are at work here, weneed to consider what language is for. Sociolinguists tell us thatlanguage has two functions: To communicate and to mark the speakeras a member of a social group. A part of language that plays amajor role in marking us as members of a social group is accent.Accent has little to do with communication; we can communicatequite well in another language having acquired only some of thesound system. Accent tells the hearer who you are, where you arefrom, in some cases your social class, and in other cases yourvalues. When we identify with

the members of a group, we talk the way they do.Beebe’s review (Beebe, 1985) confirms this. We do not alwaysimitate the speech we

hear the most. Children usually talk the way theirpeers talk, not the way their parents or teachers talk. (In somecases, children do talk like their parents; these children identifywith adult values, rather than those of other children, confirmingthat it is group membership that counts.)

My conjecture is that accent is acquired rapidlybut is not performed, because we do not feel like members of thegroup that uses it; we are not members of the club (Smith, 1988).Either we do not wish to be members or have not been invited to bemembers. And even after we feel we are at least partly in thegroup, we can feel suddenly excluded, resulting in a strongeroutput filter.

If this conjecture is correct, it has interestingimplications for pedagogy. Despite the numerous "accentimprovement" courses available, there is no evidence that secondlanguage accent can be permanently improved by direct instruction.Even if we could improve accent through instruction, however, theeffect might be harmful. Getting people to talk like members ofgroups they do not belong to may be similar to convincing someoneto wear inappropriate clothing - a tuxedo at an informal lunch or ajogging suit at a formal dinner.

This conjecture does not suggest that all thosewith accents in their second language who live in the country wherethe language is spoken have failed to become members of society. Infact, it suggests the contrary. Most second language acquirers havegood accents. Listen to them carefully. They are rarely perfect ifthey began the second language as adults, but they typicallyacquire an impressive amount of the sound system.

They certainly do not speak the second languageusing only the sound system of their first language. The problem isthat we usually make "all or nothing" judgments with respect toaccent. Either it is native-like or "accented." In reality, manysecond language acquirers acquire substantial amounts of the secondlanguage accent. In addition, it is likely that we hear them underless than optimal affective conditions: with lower output filters,they may sound even better.

If this conjecture is correct, another conclusionwe can draw is that only our "best" accents, produced under optimalconditions, should be considered when judging accent quality orwhen discussing the limits of adult acquisition ofpronunciation.

References

Beebe, L. 1985. Input: Choosing the right stuff. InGass, S. and Madden. C. (Eds.) Input

in Second Language Acquisition. New York: NewburyHouse. pp. 404-414.

Guiora, A., Beit-Hallahmi, B., Brannon, R., Dull,C. and Scovel, T. 1972. The effects of experimentally inducedchanges in ego status on pronunciation ability in a second

language. Comprehensive Psychiatry 13: 421-428.

Smith, F. 1988. Joining the Literacy Club.Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann.

Stevick, E. 1980. Teaching Languages: A Way and Ways. New York:Newbury House.