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Economist.com 9月12日“全球议程”文章

(2006-09-12 23:48:06)
还有一段没有译完,今天太晚了,明天接着来。中间有一句话不太理解,暂且用()作一标记,日后再来细细琢磨。0:04,12/9
 
利用中午休息时间,终于把昨晚拉下的最后一段补上了。13:20,13/9
 
Unity, not recognition
联合,但不认同
 
Sep 12th 2006 | JERUSALEM
2006年9月12日 | 耶路撒冷
 
From Economist.com
 
The two main Palestinian parties have agreed to form a unity government, but don’t expect it to change their relationship with Israel and the world
巴勒斯坦两大主要政党已经同意组成一个联合政府,但并不希望该政府改变与以色列和全世界的关系。
Economist.com <wbr>9月12日“全球议程”文章
 
SOME four months after it was first proposed, Hamas, which runs the Palestinian Authority (PA), and Fatah, which used to, have agreed to form a unity government. The deal, struck on Monday September 11th, does not yet include some important details, such as who gets what job, but the new government’s platform will be based on two pieces of paper: the “prisoners’ document”, which was first signed by a cross-party group of jailed militants in May; and the Arab League’s agreement of 2002. That, the Palestinians hope, will break the economic blockade that the Western world has imposed on the PA since Hamas took over in March.
首次提议大约四个月之后,目前掌管巴基斯坦的哈马斯和曾经掌管过巴勒斯坦的法塔赫,同意组建一个联合政府。9月11日周一达成的这项协定并未包括一些重要的细节问题,比如谁做什么工作,但新政府的平台将建立在两份文件之上:“囚犯文件”,该文件于5月份由几名被囚禁的好战分子组成的跨党派组织签署;另一份是2002年达成的阿拉伯联盟协定。巴勒斯坦人希望借此打破哈马斯掌权后西方世界的经济封锁。
 
What is new? Donors threw up the blockade because Hamas would not recognise Israel outright, saying only that it would seek a long-term truce with Israel, and then put the idea of a permanent peace deal to a Palestinian referendum. The prisoners’ document seemed to contain an implicit recognition of Israel, because it said that Hamas would accept the authority of the Palestine Liberation Organisation, the Palestinian umbrella body that has signed all agreements with Israel. The Arab League initiative, however, called for the whole region to normalise relations with Israel under certain conditions, which include Israel’s withdrawal from all the territories it occupied in 1967—the West Bank and Gaza, and the Syrian Golan Heights. If Hamas accepts the Arab League’s proposal, then it is agreeing to recognise Israel once those conditions are met.
有什么新东西?援助国推动经济封锁是因为哈马斯不会痛快地承认以色列,只是说会寻求与以色列的长期停战,而把长期和平问题交由公民投票来决定。“囚犯文件”似乎包含对以色列较为含蓄的承认,因为该文件说哈马斯将承认巴勒斯坦解放组织,一个与以色列签署所有协定的巴勒斯坦大型组织。阿拉伯联盟的初衷是号召本区域有条件实现与以色列关系的正常化,条件包括以色列从1967年占领的西岸加沙和叙利亚戈兰高地撤军。如果哈以斯接受了阿拉伯联盟的提议,一旦上述条件实现,就意味着它同意承认以色列。
 
This does mark a slight shift. But Hamas, trying to save face, says that this will be the policy only of the unity government—where a Hamas man, Ismail Haniyeh, serves as prime minister—not of the party itself. Hamas argues there is no contradiction; after all, Israel’s Likud party led a government in the late 1990s that backed the Oslo peace process, though its own charter still called for keeping all the occupied territories.
这确实标志着某种细微的改变。但试图保住面子的哈马斯说,只有自己的人伊斯梅尔·哈尼亚成为政府总理,上述政策才不仅仅是政党的政策,还会成为联合政府的政策。哈马斯说这并不矛盾;毕竟,上世纪90年代后期利库德集团主导的以色列政府虽然在自己的宪章里号召守住占领区,但也曾支持过奥斯陆和平进程。
 
But this, of course, makes it easy for Israel and its main allies to argue that Hamas’s stance has not really budged. And, they insist, it would have to shift significantly for talks with Hamas to take place. Hamas would have to change its charter, which calls for Israel’s destruction, and recognise Israel unconditionally. It would also need to renounce the use of violence and honour all previous PA agreements with Israel. (Hamas retorts that Israel is still using violence against Palestinians and failing to honour its own previous agreements.) In fact, Israel went further. Tzipi Livni, the foreign minister, said that if Mahmoud Abbas, the moderate Palestinian president from Fatah, “is joining a Hamas-led government of terror, then I'm afraid we are going to have a problem.”
但这些当然会让以色列及其主要盟国易于争辩,说哈马斯并未真正改变立场。()哈马斯必须将其号召毁灭以色列的宪章修改为无条件接受以色列。同时,也要放弃使用武力并履行之前巴勒斯坦同以色列签署的所有协定。(哈马斯反驳说以色列仍在使用武力对付巴勒斯坦人,也未履行之前的协定。)实际上,以色列走得更远。外交部长齐皮·利夫尼说,如果来自法塔赫的温和派总统马哈茂德·阿巴斯,“要加入哈马斯领导的恐怖政府,恐怕我们会面临问题。”
 
Israel also has several problems with the Arab League initiative. It has already said it will not withdraw to the 1967 borders around the West Bank, though it might agree to land swaps to make up the difference. Israel is also wary of any insistence on a solution to the problem of the millions of Palestinian refugees and their descendants. The Arab League said such a solution must be “agreed” upon, but there seems no prospect of that any time soon. Finally, after its recent unsuccessful war against Hizbullah in Lebanon, Israel is not politically ready to give back the strategically placed Golan Heights to Syria, one of Hizbullah’s backers.
以色列也与阿拉伯联盟的初衷存在些矛盾。以色列虽有可能同意交换土地以弥合分歧,但其早就宣称不会从西岸1967年的边界撤军。以色列也对任何坚持解决几百万巴勒斯坦难民及其后裔问题的意见保持警惕。阿拉伯联盟认为必须对解决办法达成一致意见,但近期似乎没有希望。最终,最近与黎巴嫩真主党的战争失败后,以色列在政治上还未做好准备将戈兰高地这一战略部署交还给真主党的支持者之一——叙利亚。
 
The nitpicking over whether Hamas’s position amounts to an implicit recognition of Israel, says Galia Golan, a veteran Israeli peace activist, veils a simple question of willingness. “Any government in Israel that wants to negotiate will say there’s a basis for talking here; if it doesn’t want to, it will reject it.” The question now is how much backing Israel’s rejectionist position will get from the world. The United States seems firmly behind it. Some European countries may be inclined to lift their aid embargo, but others, like Britain and Germany, are likely to keep insisting that Hamas bend further. In short: don’t expect change for the moment.
以色列一位积极推进和平的资深人士说,在哈马斯的立场是否等于含蓄承认以色列这个问题上纠缠不休,揭示了一个简单的问题,是否自觉自愿。“以色列的任何一个政府,只要愿意谈判,总会说双方存在对话的基础;如果不愿意谈,则会予以否认。”目前的问题是,以色列持反对立场的人能从其他国家得到多少支持。美国似乎坚决支持。一些欧洲国家也准备提供援助,但英国、德国等国则坚持认为哈马斯应该再多作些让步。总之,目前别想有什么改变。

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