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西方哲学史:1.3.25 希腊化世界

(2011-04-11 17:00:30)
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希腊化世界

亚历山大大帝

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卷一:古代哲学 Ancient Philosophy

第三篇 亚里士多德以后的古代哲学

Ancient Philosophy after Aristotle

 第25章  希腊化世界 The Hellenistic World

 

    古代希腊语世界的历史可以分为三个时期:自由城邦(City States)时期,这一时期以腓力普和亚历山大(Philip and Alexander)而告结束;马其顿统治(Macedonian domination)时期,这一时期的最后残余由于克里奥巴特拉(Cleopatra)死后罗马之并吞埃及而告消灭;最后则是罗马帝国(Roman Empire)时期。这三个时期中,第一个时期的特点是自由与混乱,第二个时期的特点是屈服与混乱,第三个时期的特点是屈服与秩序。

 

THE history of the Greek-speaking world in antiquity may be divided into three periods: that of
the free City States, which was brought to an end by Philip and Alexander; that of the Macedonian
domination, of which the last remnant was extinguished by the Roman annexation of Egypt after
the death of Cleopatra; and finally that of the Roman Empire. Of these three periods, the first is
characterized by freedom and disorder, the second by subjection and disorder, the third by
subjection and order.

    第二个时期即人们所称的希腊化时代(Hellenistic age)。在科学与数学方面,这一时期内所作出的工作是希腊人自来所成就的最优异的工作。在哲学方面,这一时期则有伊壁鸠鲁学派(Epicurean)和斯多葛学派(Stoic)的建立以及怀疑主义(scepticism)之明确地被总结为一种学说;所以这一时期在哲学上依旧是重要的,尽管比不上柏拉图(Plato)和亚里士多德(Aristotle)的时期那么重要。从公元前三世纪以后,希腊哲学里实际上就没有什么新的东西了,直到公元后三世纪新柏拉图主义(Neoplatonist)的出现为止。同时罗马世界则正在准备好了基督教(Christianity)的胜利。

 

The second of these periods is known as the Hellenistic age. In science and mathematics, the work
done during this period is the best ever achieved by the Greeks. In philosophy, it includes the
foundation of the Epicurean and Stoic schools, and also of scepticism as a definitely formulated
doctrine; it is therefore still important philosophically, though less so than the period of Plato and Aristotle. After the third century B.C., there is nothing really new in Greek philosophy until the Neoplatonists in the third century A.D. But meanwhile the Roman world was being prepared for the victory of Christianity.

    亚历山大(Alexander)的短促的功业突然之间改变了希腊世界。从公元前334年至324年这十年之间,他征服了小亚细亚(Asia Minor)、叙利亚(Syria)、埃及、巴比伦(Babylonia)、波斯(Persia)、萨马尔干(Samarcand)、大夏(Bactria)和旁遮普(Punjab)。波斯帝国(Persian Empire)是世界上所曾有过的最大帝国,也在三次战役里完全被摧毁了。古代巴比伦人的学问和他们古代的迷信一道变成了希腊好奇心所熟悉的东西;祅教(Zoroastrian)的二元论(dualism)以及(在较小的程度上)印度的宗教——在印度正是佛教走向登峰造极的时候——也是如此。凡是亚历山大足迹所至之处,哪怕是在阿富汗的深山、药杀水的河畔和印度河的支流上,他都建立起来了希腊的城市,在这些城市里努力推行希腊的制度,并采用了某种程度的自治政府。虽然他的军队主要地是由马其顿人(Macedonians)组成的,虽然绝大多数的欧洲希腊人并不甘心情愿地屈从于他,但他起初还是把自己看成是希腊文化的使徒的。然而随着他的征服日益扩大,他就逐渐采取了一种促使希腊人与野蛮人之间友好融合的政策。

 

The brief career of Alexander suddenly transformed the Greek world. In the ten years from 334 to
324 B.C., he conquered Asia Minor, Syria, Egypt, Babylonia, Persia, Samarcand, Bactria, and the
Punjab. The Persian Empire, the greatest that the world had known, was destroyed by three
battles. The ancient lore of the Babylonians, along with their ancient superstitions, became
familiar to Greek curiosity; so did the Zoroastrian dualism and (in a lesser degree) the religions of India, where Buddhism was moving towards supremacy. Wherever Alexander penetrated, even in the mountains of Afghanistan, on the banks of the Jaxartes, and on the tributaries of the Indus, he founded Greek cities, in which he tried to reproduce Greek institutions, with a measure of selfgovernment. Although his army was composed mainly of Macedonians, and although most
European Greeks submitted to him unwillingly, he considered himself, at first, as the apostle of
Hellenism. Gradually, however, as his conquests extended, he adopted the policy of promoting a
friendly fusion between Greek and barbarian.

    他这样做是有着各种动机的。一方面,非常显然他的并不很庞大的军队是不能长久靠武力来维持这样庞大的一个帝国的,而终须依靠着与被征服的人民和好相处(conciliation)。另一方面,东方除了君主神圣的政府形式而外,是不习惯于任何别的政府形式的,亚历山大觉得他自己很适于扮演这样一个角色。究竟他相信自己是神呢,还是仅仅出于政策的动机而摆出一副神的品质来呢?这是心理学家(psychologist)的问题,因为历史的证据是难于定论的。无论怎样,他显然是享受着在埃及把他当作是法老(Pharaoh)的继承者,在波斯把他当作是大王那样的阿谀。但他那些马其顿的军官们——他把他们叫作“同伴”——对他的态度,却是西方贵族们对他们的立宪君主的那种态度:他们不肯屈膝匍伏在他的面前,他们甚至冒着生命的危险去规劝他、批评他,在紧要的关头他们还控制他的行动,他们强迫他从印度河转辔西归而不要再进军去征服恒河(the Ganges)。东方人是很容易顺应的,只要他们的宗教偏见能受到尊敬。这对亚历山大并没有什么困难;只消把埃及的亚蒙神(Ammon)或巴比伦的贝尔神(Bel)与希腊的宙斯神(Zeus)合而为一,并宣布他自己是神之子就行了。心理学家们说亚历山大痛恨腓力普,或许还秘密参与过谋杀腓力普的阴谋;他一定很愿意相信他自己的母亲奥林匹阿(Olympias),就正象希腊神话里的某些贵妇人那样地,曾经是某一个神的所欢。亚历山大的功业太神奇了,所以他很可能想到唯有一种神奇的身世才是他那不可思议的成功底最好的解释。

 

For this he had various motives. On the one hand, it was obvious that his armies, which were not
very large, could not permanently hold so vast an empire by force, but must, in the long run,
depend upon conciliation of the conquered populations. On the other hand, the East was
unaccustomed to any form of government except that of a divine king, a role which Alexander felt
himself well fitted to perform. Whether he believed himself a god, or only took on the attributes of divinity from motives of policy, is a question for the psychologist, since the historical evidence is indecisive. In any case, he clearly enjoyed the adulation which he received in Egypt as successor of the Pharaohs, and in Persia as the Great King. His Macedonian captains--the "Companions," as they were called--had towards him the attitude of western nobles to their constitutional sovereign: They refused to prostrate themselves before him, they gave advice and criticism even at the risk of their lives, and at a crucial moment they controlled his actions, when they compelled him to turn homewards from the Indus instead of marching on to the conquest of the Ganges. Orientals were more accommodating, provided their religious prejudices were respected. This offered no difficulty to Alexander; it was only necessary to identify Ammon or Bel with Zeus, and to declare himself the son of the god. Psychologists observe that Alexander hated Philip, and was probably privy to his murder; he would have liked to believe that his mother Olympias, like some lady of Greek mythology, had been beloved of a god. Alexander's career was so miraculous that he may well have thought a miraculous origin the best explanation of his prodigious success.

    希腊人对于野蛮人怀有一种非常强烈的优越感;亚里士多德说北方种族是精力旺盛的(spirited)、南方种族是文质彬彬的(civilized),而唯有希腊人才既是精力旺盛的又是文质彬彬的,这话无疑地表达了普遍的见解。柏拉图和亚里士多德都认为以希腊人作奴隶是不对的,但以野蛮人作奴隶则并不错。亚历山大并不是个十足的希腊人,他想要打破这种优越感的态度。他自己娶了两个蛮族的公主,并且强迫他手下的马其顿的领袖们和波斯的贵族妇女结婚。我们可以想象,在他那无数的希腊城市里殖民者必定是男多于女的,因此这些男人也必定都是仿效他的榜样而与当地的妇女结婚的。这种政策的结果就给有思想的人们的头脑里带来了人类一体的观念;已往对于城邦的忠诚以及(在较小的程度上)对于希腊种族的忠诚看来是不合时宜了。在哲学方面,这种世界一家的观点是从斯多葛派(Stoics)开始的;但是在实践方面它要开始得更早些,它是从亚历山大开始的。它的结果便是希腊人与野蛮人之间的相互影响:野蛮人学到了一些希腊的科学,而希腊人却学到了野蛮人的许多迷信(superstition)。希腊文明在传布到更广阔的地区的同时,却变得越来越不是纯粹希腊的了。

 

The Greeks had a very strong feeling of superiority to the barbarians; Aristotle no doubt expresses the general view when he says that northern races are spirited, southern races civilized, but the Greeks alone are both spirited and civilized. Plato and Aristotle thought it wrong to make slaves of Greeks, but not of barbarians. Alexander, who was not quite a Greek, tried to break down this attitude of superiority. He himself married two barbarian princesses, and he compelled his leading Macedonians to marry Persian women of noble birth. His innumerable Greek cities, one would suppose, must have contained many more male than female colonists, and their men must therefore have followed his example in intermarrying with the women of the locality. The result of this policy was to bring into the minds of thoughtful men the conception of mankind as a whole; the old loyalty to the City State and (in a lesser degree) to the Greek race seemed no longer adequate. In philosophy, this cosmopolitan point of view begins with the Stoics, but in practice it begins earlier, with Alexander. It had the result that the interaction of Greek and barbarian was reciprocal: The barbarians learnt something of Greek science, while the Greeks learnt much of barbarian superstition. Greek civilization, in covering a wider area, became less purely Greek.

    希腊的文明本质上是城市的(urban)。当然也有许多希腊人是从事农业的,但是他们对于希腊文化中最富特色的东西并没有什么贡献。自从米利都学派(Milesian school)以来,希腊在科学、哲学和文学上的卓越人物全都是和富庶的商业城邦联系在一片的,而这些城邦又往往是被野蛮人所环绕着。这种类型的文明并不是从希腊人开始的,而是从腓尼基人(Phoenicians)开始的;推罗和西顿和迦太基(Tyre and Sidon and Carthage)都是依靠着奴隶在家从事体力劳动,而在进行战争时则依靠雇佣兵(hired mercenaries)。他们并不象近代的大城市那样依靠着大量血统相同的、并具有平等政治权利的农村人口。近代最相似的类比就见之于十九世纪后半叶的远东。新加坡与香港、上海与中国其他一些通商口岸都成了一些欧洲人的小岛,在那儿白种人形成了一种靠着苦力们的劳动来养活的商业贵族。在北美洲梅逊-狄克逊线以北的地方,既然没有这样的劳动力可供使用,所以白种人就不得不从事农业。因为这个原故,所以白种人在北美洲的地盘是稳固的,而他们在远东的地盘则已经大为削减,并且会很容易完全消灭的。然而他们那种类型的文化,特别是工业主义,却将会保留下来。这个类比,可以帮助我们理解希腊人在亚历山大帝国东部各个地区的地位。

 

Greek civilization was essentially urban. There were, of course, many Greeks engaged in
agriculture, but they contributed little to what was distinctive in Hellenic culture. From the
Milesian school onwards, the Greeks who were eminent in science and philosophy and literature
were associated with rich commercial cities, often surrounded by barbarian populations. This type
of civilization was inaugurated, not by the Greeks, but by the Phoenicians; Tyre and Sidon and
Carthage depended on slaves for manual labour at home, and on hired mercenaries in the conduct
of their wars. They did not depend, as modern capital cities do, upon large rural populations of the same blood and with equal political rights. The nearest modern analogue is to be seen in the Far East during the latter half of the nineteenth century. Singapore and Hong Kong, Shanghai and the other treaty ports of China, were little European islands, where the white men formed a
commercial aristocracy living on coolie labour. In North America, north of the Mason-Dixon line,
since such labour was not available, white men were compelled to practise agriculture. For this
reason, the hold of the white man on North America is secure, while his hold on the Far East has
already been greatly diminished, and may easily cease altogether. Much of his type of culture,
especially industrialism, will, however, survive. This analogue will help us to understand the position of the Greeks in the eastern parts of Alexander's empire.

    亚历山大对于亚洲的想象方面所产生的作用是巨大的、持久的。《马喀比书》(Maccabees)的第一书写成于亚历山大死后的好几个世纪,但它一开头就叙述亚历山大的功业说:

 

The effect of Alexander on the imagination of Asia was great and lasting. The first Book of the
Maccabees, written centuries after his death, opens with an account of his career:

 

    “于是马其顿人腓力普(Philip)的儿子亚历山大就从柴蒂姆的土地上出发,打败了波斯人和米底亚人的王大流士(Darius),代替他而成为了第一个君临全希腊的君主,并且打了许多仗,占领了许多坚强的据点。他杀死了地上许多的王,走遍了大地的尽头,取得许多国家的战利品,全世界在他的面前都伏伏贴贴;于是他的地位升高了,他的心飞腾起来了。他编集了一支孔武有力的军队,统治了许多国家,许多国家和国王都成了他的附庸。这些事情过后,他病倒了,他知道自己要死,于是就把那些尊贵的、和他一同从小长大的臣仆们召来,趁他还活着的时候把他的国家分给他们。①这样,亚历山大御宇十二年之后就逝世了。”

 

"And it happened, after that Alexander son of Philip, the Macedonian, who came out of the land
of Chettiim, had smitten Darius king of the Persians and Medes, that he reigned in his stead, the
first over Greece, and made many wars, and won many strong holds, and slew the kings of the
earth, and went through to the ends of the earth, and took spoils of many nations, insomuch that
the earth was quiet before him; whereupon he was exalted, and his heart was lifted up. And he
gathered a mighty strong host, and ruled over countries, and nations, and kings, who became
tributaries unto him. And after these things he fell sick, and perceived that he should die.
Wherefore he called his servants, such as were honorable, and had been brought up with him
from his youth, and parted his kingdom among them, while he was yet alive. * So Alexander
reigned twelve years, and then died."

    亚历山大在回教里面继续做为传说中的一个英雄而流传着;直到今天,喜马拉雅山的一些小酋长们还自称是亚历山大的后裔。②没有任何别的真正历史上的英雄,曾经提供过如此之丰富的神话想象的材料。

 

He survived as a legendary hero in the Mohammedan religion, and to this day petty chieftains in
the Himalayas claim to be descended from him. No other fully historical hero has ever
furnished such a perfect opportunity for the mythopoeic faculty.

    亚历山大死后,也曾有过一种想要保持他的帝国的统一的努力。但是他的两个儿子,一个还是婴儿,一个尚未出世。两个儿子各有一些拥护者,不过在后来的内战里,这两个都被人废弃了。终于他的帝国被三家将军所瓜分;大致说来,一家获得了亚历山大领土的欧洲部分,一家获得了非洲部分,一家获得了亚洲部分。欧洲部分最后落到安提哥尼后人的手里;托勒密(Ptolemy)获得了埃及,以亚历山大港做为他的首都;经过许多战争之后才获得了亚洲的塞琉古(Seleucus)因为过分忙于作战而没有来得及奠立一个固定的首都,但是到后来安提阿克成了他的王朝的主要都市。

At Alexander's death, there was an attempt to preserve the unity of his empire. But of his two
sons, one was an infant and the other was not yet born. Each had supporters, but in the resultant
civil war both were thrust aside. In the end, his empire was divided between the families of
three generals, of whom, roughly speaking, one obtained the European, one the African, and
one the Asiatic parts of Alexander's possessions. The European part fell ultimately to
Antigonus's descendants; Ptolemy, who obtained Egypt, made Alexandria his capital; Seleucus,
who obtained Asia after many wars, was too busy with campaigns to have a fixed capital, but in
later times Antioch was the chief city of his dynasty.


    无论是托勒密王朝(Ptolemies)还是塞琉西王朝(Seleucids)(塞琉古的王朝叫做赛琉西王朝)都放弃了亚历山大那种要融合希腊人与野蛮人的努力,并且建立了军事专制,起初都是依靠着自己手下由希腊雇佣兵所补充起来的马其顿军队建立的。托勒密王朝所控制的埃及还相当稳固;但是在亚洲,两个世纪纷扰不已的王朝战争则是以罗马人的征服才告结束的。在这两个世纪里,波斯被安息人所征服,而大夏的希腊人则日益陷于孤立。

 

Both the Ptolemies and the Seleucids (as the dynasty of Seleucus was called) abandoned
Alexander's attempts to produce a fusion of Greek and barbarian, and established military
tyrannies based, at first, upon their part of the Macedonian army strengthened with Greek
mercenaries. The Ptolemies held Egypt fairly securely, but in Asia two centuries of confused
dynastic wars were only ended by the Roman conquest. During these centuries, Persia was
conquered by the Parthians, and the Bactrian Greeks were increasingly isolated.

 

    公元前二世纪(此后他们就迅速地衰颓)他们有过一个王叫米南德,米南德的印度帝国是非常之辽阔的。他和佛教圣人之间有两篇对话至今还以巴利文的形式保存着,并且一部分有中文译本。塔因(Tarn)博士提示说,第一片对话可能是依据希腊原文的;而第二篇系以米南德王逊位出家成为佛教圣人而告结束的,则显然不是依据希腊原文的了。

 

In the second century B.C. (after which they rapidly declined) they had a king, Menander,
whose Indian Empire was very extensive. A couple of dialogues between him and Buddhist
sage have survived in Pali, and, in part, in a Chinese translation. Dr. Tarn suggests that the first of these is based on a Greek original; the second, which ends with Menander abdicating and
becoming a Buddhist saint, is certainly not.



    这时候,佛教是一个极其蓬勃有力的、劝人归化的宗教。据现存碑文的记载,佛教的圣王阿育王(Asoka,公元前264-228年)曾遣使到所有的马其顿各个国王那里去:“国王陛下认为这是主要的征服——即法轮(chiefest)的征服;这也是国王陛下在他自己的境内并远达六百里格(leagues)之外的邻国的境内的成就——远及于希腊王安提阿古的地方,并且远及于安提阿古以外的托勒密、安提哥尼、马迦斯和亚历山大四个王的地方………在国王的境内也盛行于喻那人的地方”①(即旁遮普地方的希腊人)。不幸的是关于这次遣使,西方并没有任何记载流传下来。

 

Buddhism, at this time, was a vigorous proselytizing religion. Asoka (264-28), the saintly
Buddhist king, records, in a still extant inscription, that he sent missionaries to all the
Macedonian kings: "And this is the chiefest conquest in His Majesty's opinion--the conquest by
the Law; this also is that effected by His Majesty both in his own dominions and in all the
neighboring realms as far as six hundred leagues--even to where the Greek king Antiochus
dwells, and beyond that Antiochus to where dwell the four kings severally named Ptolemy,
Antigonus, Magas and Alexander . . . and likewise here, in the king's dominions, among the
Yonas" * (i.e. the Greeks of the Punjab). Unfortunately no western account of these
missionaries has survived.

    巴比伦所受的希腊化影响格外深刻。我们已经知道,古代唯一追随萨摩的亚里士达克而主张哥白尼体系的人,就是底格里斯河(Tigris)上塞琉西亚的塞琉古(Seleucus),他的鼎盛期约当公元前150年。塔西陀告诉我们说,到了公元一世纪塞琉西亚“并未沾染安息人的野蛮习俗,而仍然保存着它的希腊开国者塞琉古②的制度。三百名以豪富或智慧而当选的公民组成了一个类似于元老院的组织,人民群众也分享政权”。③希腊语在美索不达米亚(Mesopotamia)全境正如在其以西的地方一样,已成为学术与文化的语言,直迄回教的征服为止。

 

Babylonia was much more profoundly influenced by Hellenism. As we have seen, the only
ancient who followed Aristarchus of Samos in maintaining the Copernican system was
Seleucus of Seleucia on the Tigris, who flourished about 150 B.C. Tacitus tells us that in the
first century A.D. Seleucia had not "lapsed into the barbarous usages of the Parthians, but still
retained the institutions of Seleucus, †its Greek founder. Three hundred citizens, chosen for
their wealth or wisdom, compose as it were a Senate; the populace too have their share of
power." Throughout Mesopotamia, as further West, Greek became the language of literature and culture, and remained so until the Mohammedan conquest.

    就语言和文学而论,叙利亚(不包括犹太在内)的城市已经完全希腊化了。但农村人口则是更保守的,他们仍然保持着为他们所习惯的宗教和语言。④小亚细亚沿海岸的希腊城市,许多世纪以来就在影响着他们野蛮的邻居。马其顿的征服格外加深了这种影响。希腊主义与犹太人(Jews)之间的第一次冲突是在《马喀比书》(Maccabees)里提到了的。这是一片极其有趣的故事,与马其顿帝国内一切别的事情都不一样。我将在后面谈到基督教的起源与成长时再讨论它。在其他的地方,希腊的影响从来没有遇到过这样顽强的抵抗。

 

Syria (excluding Judea) became completely Hellenized in the cities, in so far as language and
literature were concerned. But the rural populations, which were more conservative, retained
the religions and the languages to which they were accustomed. * In Asia Minor, the Greek
cities of the coast had, for centuries, had an influence on their barbarian neighbours. This was
intensified by the Macedonian conquest. The first conflict of Hellenism with the Jews is related
in the Books of the Maccabees. It is a profoundly interesting story, unlike anything else in the
Macedonian Empire. I shall deal with it at a later stage, when I come to the origin and growth of
Christianity. Elsewhere, Greek influence encountered no such stubborn opposition.

    从希腊化文化的观点来看,公元前三世纪最辉煌的成就乃是亚历山大港(Alexandria)这个城市。比起马其顿治下的欧洲部分和亚洲部分来,埃及受战争的蹂躏较少,而亚历山大港又处于特别有利的商业地位。托勒密王朝(Ptolemies)是学艺的保护主,把当时许多最优秀的人都吸收到他们的首都来。数学主要地成了亚历山大港的学问,并且一直保持到罗马的灭亡为止。的确,阿几米德(Archimedes)是西西里人(Sicilian),并且他所属的那部分世界(直到公元前212年他临死的那一刻为止)依然保持着他们的独立;但是他也在亚历山大港学习过。伊拉托斯底尼(Eratosthenes)是著名的亚历山大港图书馆的负责人。公元前三世纪里多少全都和亚历山大港有着密切联系的数学家们和科学家们,可以和前此各个世纪里任何希腊人的才能相媲美,并且做出了同样重要的工作。但是,他们不象他们的前人那样把一切学艺都当作自己的领域,并发挥着包罗万象的哲学;他们是近代意义上的专家们。欧几里德Euclid、亚里士达克Aristarchus、阿几米德Archimedes和亚婆罗尼Apollonius都只一心一意地作数学家,他们都不渴望有哲学上的创造性。

 

From the point of view of Hellenistic culture, the most brilliant success of the third century
B.C. was the city of Alexandria. Egypt was less exposed to war than the European and Asiatic
parts of the Macedonian domain, and Alexandria was in an extraordinarily favoured position for
commerce. The Ptolemies were patrons of learning, and attracted to their capital many of the
best men of the age. Mathematics became, and remained until the fall of Rome, mainly
Alexandrian. Archimedes, it is true, was a Sicilian, and belonged to the one part of the world
where the Greek City States (until the moment of his death in 212 B.C.) retained their
independence; but he too had studied in Alexandria. Eratosthenes was chief librarian of the
famous library of Alexandria. The mathematicians and men of science connected, more or less
closely, with Alexandria in the third century before Christ were as able as any of the Greeks of
the previous centuries, and did work of equal importance. But they were not, like their
predecessors, men who took all learning for their province, and propounded universal
philosophies; they were specialists in the modern sense. Euclid, Aristarchus, Archimedes, and
Apollonius, were content to be mathematicians; in philosophy they did not aspire to originality.

    不仅在学术范围内而且在一切领域里,这个时代都以专业化Specialization为其特征。在公元前五至四世纪的希腊自治的城邦里,一个有才能的人可以认为是样样精通的。在不同的情况之下,他可以是军人、政治家、立法家或哲学家。苏格拉底Socrates虽然不喜欢政治,却并未能避免卷入政治的纠纷。在他年青的时候,他是一个兵士,又是一个(尽管在《申辩篇》里他不承认)学物理科学的人。普罗泰戈拉Protagoras在向研究新事物的贵族子弟们教授怀疑主义之余,还为图里草拟过一部法典。柏拉图也搞过政治,虽然并不成功。色诺芬(Xenophon)在不写他的苏格拉底也不作乡绅的时候,就去当将军以消遣岁月。毕达哥拉斯派的数学家们曾力图掌握许多城邦的政府。每个人都必须充当审判员,并担任其他的各种公职。但到了公元前三世纪,这一切就都起了变化。在往昔的那些城邦国家里的确还有政治,但是那已经变成地方性的而且已经无关紧要,因为希腊已经处于马其顿大军的摆布之下了。争夺权力的严重斗争在马其顿的军人中间进行着;但这里并没有原则的问题,而仅仅是互相竞争着的冒险者之间如何分配领土的问题。在行政的和技术的事物上面,这些多少都是不学无术的军人们便雇佣希腊人做他们的专家;例如,在埃及的灌溉和排水方面就曾做出了优异的成就。这时有军人,有行政家,有医生,有数学家,也有哲学家,可是再也没有一个以一身而兼任这一切的人了。

 

Specialization characterized the age in all departments, not only in the world of learning. In the
self-governing Greek cities of the fifth and fourth centuries, a capable man was assumed to be
capable of everything. He would be, as occasion arose, a soldier, a politician, a lawgiver, or a philosopher. Socrates, though he disliked politics, could not avoid being mixed up with political disputes. In his youth he was a soldier, and (in spite of his disclaimer in the Apology) a student of physical science. Protagoras, when he could spare time from teaching scepticism to aristocratic youths in search of the latest thing, was drawing up a code of laws for Thurii. Plato dabbled in politics, though unsuccessfully. Xenophon, when he was neither writing about Socrates nor being a country gentleman, spent his spare time as a general. Pythagorean mathematicians attempted to acquire the government of cities. Everybody had to serve on juries and perform various other public duties. In the third century all this was changed. There continued, it is true, to be politics in the old City States, but they had become parochial and unimportant, since Greece was at the mercy of Macedonian armies. The serious struggles for power were between Macedonian soldiers; they involved no question of principle, but merely the distribution of territory between rival adventurers. On administrative and technical matters, these more or less uneducated soldiers employed Greeks as experts; in Egypt, for example, excellent work was done in irrigation and drainage. There were soldiers, administrators, physicians, mathematicians, philosophers, but there was no one who was all these at once.

    这个时代是一个有钱而又没有权势欲望的人可以享受一种非常愉快的生活的时代,——当然总得假定没有掠夺成性的军队闯了进来。为某一个君主所垂青的学者尽可以享受高度的奢侈生活,只要他们是圆滑的谄媚者而又并不介意于成为一个愚昧无知的宫廷的嘲弄对象。但是这里却没有安全这种东西。一场宫廷革命可以把这些阿谀谄媚的贤达者们的恩主推翻;加拉太人可以毁灭富人的庄园;自己的城邦也可能在一场偶然的王朝战争里被洗劫一空。在这种情况之下,人们都去崇拜“幸运”女神就不足为奇了。在人间万事的安排上,似乎并没有任何合理的东西。那些顽固地坚持要在某个地方能找出道理来的人们,就只好返求于自己并且象弥尔顿的撒旦那样认定:

The age was one in which a man who had money and no desire for power could enjoy a very
pleasant life--always assuming that no marauding army happened to come his way. Learned men
who found favour with some prince could enjoy a high degree of luxury, provided they were
adroit flatterers and did not mind being the butt of ignorant royal witticisms. But there was no
such thing as security. A palace revolution might displace the sycophantic sage's patron; the
Galatians might destroy the rich man's villa; one's city might be sacked as an incident in a dynastic war. In such circumstances it is no wonder that people took to worshipping the goddess Fortune, or Luck. There seemed nothing rational in the ordering of human affairs. Those who obstinately insisted upon finding rationality somewhere withdrew into themselves, and decided, like Milton's Satan, that


    心灵是它自己的园地,在它自身里可以把地狱造成天堂,把天堂造成地狱。

 

The mind is its own place, and in itself Can make a heaven of hell, a hell of heaven.

    除了对于自私自利的冒险者而外,不再有任何刺激可以引起人们对公共事物的兴趣了。在亚历山大征服的辉煌插曲之后,由于缺乏一个坚强的专制主足以奠定稳固不移的无上权威以及缺乏一个强而有力的原则足以造成社会的巩固,希腊化世界便陷入混乱之中。当面临着新的政治问题的时候,希腊的理智证明了它本身是完全无能为力的。罗马人比起希腊人来无疑是愚笨的、粗野的,但是至少他们却创造了秩序。在自由的日子里,那种旧式的无秩序曾经是可容忍的,因为每一个公民都享有自由;但是无能的统治者所加之于被统治者的那种新的马其顿式的无秩序,则是全然不可容忍的了,——比起后来对于罗马的屈服来要更加不可容忍得多。

 

Except for adventurous self-seekers, there was no longer any incentive to take an interest in
public affairs. After the brilliant episode of Alexander's conquests, the Hellenistic world was
sinking into chaos, for lack of a despot strong enough to achieve stable supremacy, or a
principle powerful enough to produce social cohesion. Greek intelligence, confronted with new
political problems, showed complete incompetence. The Romans, no doubt, were stupid and
brutal compared to the Greeks, but at least they created order. The old disorder of the days of
freedom had been tolerable, because every citizen had a share in it; but the new Macedonian
disorder, imposed upon subjects by incompetent rulers, was utterly intolerable--far more so than
the subsequent subjection to Rome.

    社会的不满与对革命的惧怕在广泛流传着。自由劳动力的工资下降了,主要原因是由于东方奴隶劳动的竞争;而同时必需品的价格却在上涨。我们发现亚历山大在他的事业开始时,还有时间订立条约以便使穷人安分守己。“公元前335年,亚历山大与哥林多联盟国家之间所订的条约里规定了,联盟理事会与亚历山大的代表双方保证,联盟的任何城邦都不得为了革命的缘故而没收个人的财产,或者分配土地,或者免除债务,或者解放奴隶”。①在希腊化的世界里,神寺都经营银行家的业务;他们掌握着黄金准备金,并且操纵债务。公元前三世纪初期德洛斯的亚波罗神寺以百分之十的利息放债;而前此的利率还要更高。②①塔因著,《公元前三世纪的社会问题》一文,收入《希腊化时代论文集》一书中。1923年,剑桥版。这片文章是极其有趣的,并且包括许多在别的地方不大容易找到的史实。 ②同上。

 

There was widespread social discontent and fear of revolution. The wages of free labour fell,
presumably owing to the competition of eastern slave labour; and meantime the prices of
necessaries rose. One finds Alexander, at the outset of his enterprise, having time to make
treaties designed to keep the poor in their place. "In the treaties made in 335 between Alexander
and the States of the League of Corinth it was provided that the Council of the League and
Alexander's representative were to see to it that in no city of the League should there be either
confiscation of personal property, or division of land, or cancellation of debt, or liberation of
slaves for the purpose of revolution." * The temples, in the Hellenistic world, were the bankers;
they owned the gold reserve, and controlled credit. In the early third century, the temple of
Apollo at Delos made loans at ten per cent; formerly, the rate of interest had been higher.

    自由劳动者发见自己的工资甚至于不足以维持最低的需要,所以年青力壮的就只好去当雇佣兵以求糊口。雇佣兵的生活无疑是充满着艰难和痛苦的,但是它也有很大的可能前途。或许是掠夺某一个富庶的东方城市,或许有机会进行有利可图的暴动。一个统帅要想解散他的军队必定是件极其危险的事,并且这也一定就是战争所以连绵不断的原因之一。

 

Free labourers who found wages insufficient even for bare necessities must, if young and
vigorous, have been able to obtain employment as mercenaries. The life of a mercenary, no
doubt, was filled with hardships and dangers, but it also had great possibilities. There might be
the loot of some rich eastern city; there might be a chance of lucrative mutiny. It must have
been dangerous for a commander to attempt to disband his army, and this must have been one
of the reasons why wars were almost continuous.

 

    往日的公民精神还多少保存在旧的希腊城市里,但却没有保存在亚历山大所建立的新城市里——就连亚历山大港也不例外。在早期,一个新城市往往总是由某一个旧城市的移民所组成的殖民地,它和自己的母邦始终维持着感情上的联系。这种感情有着很悠久的寿命,例如,公元前196年兰普萨古城在希腊海峡的外交活动就可以证明。这个城面临着要被塞琉西王安提阿古三世征服的危险,便决定吁请罗马保护。于是派遣出一个使节,但这个使节并没有直接去罗马,而是先到了马赛,尽管马赛的距离极为遥远。马赛也象兰普萨古一样是福西亚的殖民地,而且罗马人对他们的态度又很友好。马赛的公民听了使臣的演说之后,便立刻决定派遣他们自己的外交团到罗马去支持他们的姊妹城。住在马赛内陆的高卢人也参加了,并且还有一封信给他们在小亚细亚的同族加拉太人,推荐他们与兰普萨古相友好。罗马自然高兴有一个借口插足于小亚细亚,于是由于罗马的干涉,兰普萨古就保持住了它的自由,——直到后来它变得不利于罗马人的时候为止。①亚洲的统治者们一般都自称为是“亲希腊派”,并且在政策与军事的需要所能允许的范围之内与旧希腊的城市保持着友好。这些城市希望有民主的自治政府,免除纳贡,不受朝廷禁军的干涉,并且(当他们能够的时候)宣称这些都是权利。向他们让步是值得的,因为他们是富有的,他们可以提供雇佣兵,有许多城市还有重要的港口。但是如果他们在内战中参加了错误的一方,他们就有完全被征服的危险了。

 

The old civic spirit more or less survived in the old Greek cities, but not in the new cities
founded by Alexander--not excepting Alexandria. In earlier times, a new city was always a
colony composed of emigrants from some one older city, and it remained connected with its
parent by a bond of sentiment. This kind of sentiment had great longevity, as is shown, for
example, by the diplomatic activities of Lampsacus on the Hellespont in the year 196 B.C. This
city was threatened with subjugation by the Seleucid King Antiochus III, and decided to appeal
to Rome for protection. An embassy was sent, but it did not go direct to Rome; it went first, in
spite of the immense distance, to Marseilles, which, like Lampsacus, was a colony of Phocaea,
and was, moreover, viewed with friendly eyes by the Romans. The citizens of Marseilles,
having listened to an oration by the envoy, at once decided to send a diplomatic mission of their
own to Rome to support their sister city. The Gauls who lived inland from Marseilles joined in
with a letter to their kinsmen of Asia Minor, the Galatians, recommending Lampsacus to their
friendship. Rome, naturally, was glad of a pretext for meddling in the affairs of Asia Minor, and
by Rome's intervention Lampsacus preserved its freedom--until it became inconvenient to the
Romans.

 

    亚洲的统治者们一般都自称为是“亲希腊派”,并且在政策与军事的需要所能允许的范围之内与旧希腊的城市保持着友好。这些城市希望有民主的自治政府,免除纳贡,不受朝廷禁军的干涉,并且(当他们能够的时候)宣称这些都是权利。向他们让步是值得的,因为他们是富有的,他们可以提供雇佣兵,有许多城市还有重要的港口。但是如果他们在内战中参加了错误的一方,他们就有完全被征服的危险了。 大体上说,塞琉西王朝以及其他逐渐兴起的王朝对待他们都相当宽大,但是也有例外。

 

In general, the rulers of Asia called themselves "Phil-Hellene," and befriended the old Greek
cities as far as policy and military necessity allowed. The cities desired, and (when they could)
claimed as a right, democratic self-government, absence of tribute, and freedom from a royal
garrison. It was worth while to conciliate them, because they were rich, they could supply
mercenaries, and many of them had important harbours. But if they took the wrong side in a
civil war, they exposed themselves to sheer conquest. On the whole, the Seleucids, and the
other dynasties which gradually grew up, dealt tolerably with them, but there were exceptions.

 

    新城市虽然也有着一定程度的自治政府,却并没有象旧城市那样的传统。他们公民的来源不一,希腊各个部分的人都有。他们大体上都是些冒险家,很象是conquistadores(西班牙的美洲征服者)或者是南非洲约翰尼斯堡的移民,而不象早期的希腊殖民者或者新英格兰的开拓者那样是虔诚的香客。因此亚历山大的城市没有一个能够形成坚固的政治单位。从王朝政府的立场来说这是有利的,但是从传播希腊化来说这却是一个弱点。

 

The new cities, though they had a measure of self-government, had not the same traditions as
the older ones. Their citizens were not of homogeneous origin, but were from all parts of
Greece. They were in the main adventurers, like the conquistadores or the settlers in
Johannesburg, not pious pilgrims like the earlier Greek colonists or the New England pioneers.
Consequently no one of Alexander's cities formed a strong political unit. This was convenient from the standpoint of the king's government, but a weakness from the standpoint of the spread of Hellenism.


    非希腊的宗教与迷信对于希腊化世界的影响,大体上是(但不完全是)坏的。但情形本可以并不如此。犹太人、波斯人、佛教徒,他们的宗教都肯定地要优越于希腊流俗的多神教,并且即使是最优秀的哲学家去学习这些也会是受益非浅的。然而不幸,在希腊人的想象力上留下了最深刻印象的却是巴比伦人或迦勒底人。首先是他们荒唐无稽的古代史,僧侣们的记录竟上溯至几千年之久,并且宣称还可以再上溯几千年。其中也有一些真正的智慧:远在希腊人能够预言月蚀的很久以前,巴比伦人就已能多少预言月蚀了。但是这些仅仅是使希腊人易于接受他们的原因;而希腊人实际所接受的却主要地是占星学与巫术。吉尔伯特·穆莱教授说:“占星学降临于希腊化的思想,就象是一种新的疾病降临于某个偏僻的岛上的居民一样。根据狄奥多罗斯的描述,欧济曼底亚斯的陵
墓里是画满了占星学的符号的,在康马根所发现的安提阿古一世的陵墓也具有同样的特点。君主们相信星辰在注视着他们,那是很自然的。可是人人却都在准备接受这种病菌”。①占星学最初是一个名叫贝鲁索的迦勒底人在亚历山大的时代教给希腊人的,贝鲁索在科斯教过占星学,并且据塞涅卡说,他“传授的是贝尔神”。穆莱教授说,“这一定是说,他把公元前三千纪为萨尔恭一世所写的、后来在亚述奔尼拔(公元前686-626年)图书馆中所发现写在七十块版上的一篇‘贝尔之眼’的文字翻译成了希腊文。”(同书,第176页)。

The influence of non-Greek religion and superstition in the Hellenistic world was mainly, but
not wholly, bad. This might not have been the case. Jews, Persians, and Buddhists all had
religions that were very definitely superior to the popular Greek polytheism, and could even
have been studied with profit by the best philosophers. Unfortunately it was the Babylonians, or
Chaldeans, who most impressed the imagination of the Greeks. There was, first of all, their
fabulous antiquity; the priestly records went back for thousands of years, and professed to go
back for thousands more. Then there was some genuine wisdom: the Babylonians could more or
less predict eclipses long before the Greeks could. But these were merely causes of
receptiveness; what was received was mainly astrology and magic. "Astrology," says Professor
Gilbert Murray, "fell upon the Hellenistic mind as a new disease falls upon some remote island
people. The tomb of Ozymandias, as described by Diodorus, was covered with astrological
symbols, and that of Antiochus I, which has been discovered in Commagene, is of the same
character. It was natural for monarchs to believe that the stars watched over them. But every
one was ready to receive the germ." * It appears that astrology was first taught to the Greeks in
the time of Alexander, by a Chaldean named Berosus, who taught in Cos, and, according to
Seneca, "interpreted Bel." "This," says Professor Murray, "must mean that he translated into
Greek the 'Eye of Bel,' a treatise in seventy tablets found in the library of Assur-bani-pal ( 686-26 B.C.) but composed for Sargon I in the third millennium B.C." (ib. p. 176).


    我们将会看到,甚至于大多数最优秀的哲学家也都信仰起占星学(astrology)来了。既然占星学认为未来是可以预言的,所以它就包含着对于必然或命运的信仰,而这就可以用来反对当时流行的对幸运的信仰。但无疑地,大多数人却是同时两者都信仰的,而且从来也没有察觉到两者的不一致。

 

As we shall see, the majority even of the best philosophers fell in with the belief in astrology. It involved, since it thought the future predictable, a belief in necessity or fate, which could be set against the prevalent belief in fortune. No doubt most men believed in both, and never noticed the inconsistency.

    普遍的混乱必然要引起道德的败坏更甚于智识的衰退。延绵了许多世代的动荡不宁,尽管能够容许极少数的人有着极高度的圣洁,但它确乎是敌视体面的公民们的平凡的日常德行的。当你的一切储蓄明天就会一干二净的时候,勤勉就似乎是无用的了;当你对别人诚实而别人却必然要欺骗你的时候,诚实就似乎是无益的了;当没有一种原则是重要的或者能有稳固的胜利机会时,就不需要坚持一种原则了;当唯唯诺诺混日子才可以苟全性命与财产的时候,就没有要拥护真理的理由了。一个人的德行若是除了纯粹的现世计较而外便没有别的根源;那末如果他有勇气的话,他在这样一个世界里就会变成一个冒险家,如果他没有勇气的话,他就会只求做一个默默无闻的怯懦的混世虫。

 

The general confusion was bound to bring moral decay, even more than intellectual
enfeeblement. Ages of prolonged uncertainty, while they are compatible with the highest degree
of saintliness in a few,are inimical to the prosaic every-day virtues of respectable citizens. There seems no use in thrift, when tomorrow all your savings may be dissipated; no advantage in honesty, when the man towards whom you practise it is pretty sure to swindle you; no point in steadfast adherence to a cause, when no cause is important or has a chance of stable victory; no argument in favour of truthfulness, when only supple tergiversation makes the preservation of life and fortune possible. The man whose virtue has no source except a purely terrestrial prudence will, in such a world, become an adventurer if he has the courage, and, if not, will seek obscurity as a timid time-server.

 

    属于这个时代的米南德说:

 

Menander, who belongs to this age, says:


    我知道有过那么多的人,他们并不是天生的无赖,却由于不幸而不得不成为无赖。

 

So many cases I have known Of men who, though not naturally rogues, Became so, through
misfortune, by constraint.

    这就总结了公元前三世纪的道德特点,只有极少数的人才是例外。甚至于就在这些极少数的人里面,恐惧也代替了希望(fear took the place of hope);生命的目的与其说是成就某种积极的善,还不如说是逃避不幸。“形而上学(Metaphysics)隐退到幕后去了,个人的伦理现在变成了具有头等意义的东西。哲学不再是引导着少数一些大无畏的真理追求者们前进的火炬:它毋宁是跟随着生存斗争的后面在收拾病弱与伤残的一辆救护车”。①

 

This sums up the moral character of the third century B.C., except for a few exceptional men.
Even among these few, fear took the place of hope; the purpose of life was rather to escape
misfortune than to achieve any positive good. "Metaphysics sink into the background, and
ethics, now individual, become of the first importance. Philosophy is no longer the pillar of fire
going before a few intrepid seekers after truth: it is rather an ambulance following in the wake
of the struggle for existence and picking up the weak and wounded."

 

====================================
  ①这并非历史事实
  ②也许这在今天已经不再是事实,因为怀有这种信仰的人们的儿子已经在伊顿公学受教育了。

    ①比万,《塞琉古王朝》卷二,第45-46页。

    ①《希腊宗教的五个阶段》,第177-178页。

    ①引自比万(Pevan)的《塞琉古王朝》卷一,第298页注。
    ②是国王塞琉古,而非天文学家塞琉古。
    ③《编年史》,卷六,第四十二章。
    ④参阅《剑桥古代史》,卷七,第194-195页。

(待续)

 

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