加载中…
个人资料
未凉茗待客
未凉茗待客
  • 博客等级:
  • 博客积分:0
  • 博客访问:5,082
  • 关注人气:1
  • 获赠金笔:0支
  • 赠出金笔:0支
  • 荣誉徽章:
相关博文
推荐博文
谁看过这篇博文
加载中…
正文 字体大小:

翻译

(2007-10-24 10:58:54)
标签:

学习公社

 

He was succeeded by the young and learned John de’ Medici, son of Lorenzo the Magnificent of Florence, who took the name of Leo X. (1513-21). Like his father, the new Pope was a generous patron of art and literature, and bestowed upon his literary friends, some of whom were exceedingly unworthy, the highest dignities in the Church. Humanism was triumphant at the Papal Court, but, unfortunately, religion was neglected. Though in his personal life Leo X. could not be described as a deeply religious man, yet he was mindful of his vows of celibacy, attentive to the recitation of the divine, office, abstemious, and observant of the fasts of the Church. As a secular ruler he would have stood incomparably higher than any of the contemporary sovereigns of Europe, but he was out of place considerably as the head of a great religious organisation. Worldliness and indifference to the dangers that threatened the Church are the most serious charges that can be made against him, but especially in the circumstances of the time, when the Holy See should have set itself to combat the vicious tendencies of society, these faults were serious enough.

The defeat of the French forces at Novara (1513), and the loyalty of the other rulers of Europe to the Holy See induced Louis XII. of France to make peace with the new Pope, and to recognise the Lateran Council. But on the accession of Francis I. (1515-47) a fresh expedition into Italy was undertaken; the Swiss troops were overthrown at Marignano (1515) and Leo X. was obliged to conclude a Concordat3 with the French King. By the terms of this agreement France agreed to abandon the Pragmatic Sanction of Bourges, while the Pope bestowed upon Francis I. and his successors the right of presentation to the bishoprics and abbacies in his dominions. The work of reform, which should have claimed special attention at the Lateran Council, was never undertaken seriously. Some decrees were passed prohibiting plurality of benefices, forbidding officials of the Curia to demand more than the regulation fees, recommending preaching and religious instruction of children, regulating the appointment to benefices, etc., but these decrees, apart from the fact that they left the root of the evils untouched, were never enforced. The close of the Lateran Council synchronises with the opening of Luther’s campaign in Germany, for the success of which the Council’s failure to respond to the repeated demands for reform is to a great extent responsible.

In any scheme for the reform of the abuses that afflicted the Church the reformation of the Papal Court itself should have occupied the foremost place. At all times a large proportion of the cardinals and higher officials were men of blameless lives, but, unfortunately, many others were utterly unworthy of their position, and their conduct was highly prejudicial to religion and to the position of the Holy See. Much of the scandalous gossip retailed by Platina in his Lives of the Popes, and by Burcard4 and Infessura5 in their Diaries may be attributed to personal disappointment and diseased imaginations, but even when due allowance has been made for the frailty of human testimony, enough remains to prove that the Papal Court in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries was not calculated to inspire strangers to Rome with confidence or respect. Such corrupt and greedy officials reflected discredit on the Holy See, and afforded some justification for the charges levelled against them of using religion merely as a means of raising money.

The various taxations,6 direct and indirect, levied by the Popes during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries helped to give colour to these accusations. It ought to be remembered, however, that the Popes could not carry on the government of the Church, and support the large body of officials whose services were absolutely necessary, without requiring help from their subjects in all parts of the world. During the residence of the Popes at Avignon additional expenses were incurred owing to the necessity of providing residences for themselves and their court, and, at the same time, the rebellions and disorders in the Papal States put an end to any hope of deriving any revenue from their own temporal dominions. On their return to Rome money was required to repair the palaces that had gone into ruin, and to enable the Popes to maintain their position as patrons of art and literature, and as the leaders of Europe in its struggle against the forces of Islam.

For this last purpose, namely, to organise the Christian forces against the Turks, the Popes claimed the right of levying a fixed tax on all ecclesiastical property. The amount of this varied from one-thirtieth to one-tenth of the annual revenue, and as a rule it was raised only for some definite period of years. Even in the days when the crusading fever was universal, such a tax excited a great deal of opposition; but when Europe had grown weary of the struggle, and when the Popes could do little owing to the failure of the temporal rulers to respond to their appeals, this form of taxation was resented bitterly, and the right of the Popes to raise taxes in this way off ecclesiastical property was questioned by the ecclesiastics affected as well as by the temporal rulers. England and France took measures to protect themselves; but in Germany the absence of any strong central authority, and the want of unity among the princes made it difficult to offer any effective resistance to these demands. In 1354, 1372, 1459, 1487, and in 1500, the German bishops protested strongly against the attempts of the Pope to levy taxes on ecclesiastical property.

他的继承者是年轻博学的约翰·德·美第奇(佛罗伦萨大美第奇的儿子),他的教名是里奥十世。一如乃翁,新教皇对文学和艺术慷慨相助,对他的文学朋友也委以高官厚禄,但其中不免有人难膺重任。在教廷中,人文主义旗帜高飘,但不幸的是,宗教却饱受冷落。虽然里奥十世的个人操行并不称得上是执著的教徒,不过他却牢记独身的誓词,关注圣颂、人员,戒律,留心教会的斋仪。作为领袖,他的地位与同时代的欧洲君王远不能相比,但他却是无可争议的宗教大联盟的首领。教皇所面临的最大挑战是如何面对世俗之气,以及人们对于威胁教会的危险漠不关心。那是一个梵蒂冈也不得不在世风日下的社会中沉浮的岁月,蚁穴已足以溃堤。

1513年法国军队在诺瓦拉战败,同时欧洲其他国家也表示对梵蒂冈效忠,这就迫使法王路易七世向新教皇大摇橄榄枝,承认了拉特兰会议。但随着法朗西斯一世(1515-47)的登台,意大利干戈再起。在马里尼亚诺,瑞士军队被击溃。里奥十世被迫与法王签订协议,协议规定:法国废除布日的实务条款,而教皇则赐予法朗西斯一世及其后代法国境内的主教和修士的任免权。本该在拉特兰会议上引起特别关注的改革工作从未认真开展。也通过了一些法令:例如禁止扩编神职人员,严禁教廷官员征收规定以外的费用,推广对儿童的布道和宗教教育,规范神职人员任免等。且不说这些法令并未根治恶源,他们根本就没有被推行过。就在拉特兰会议结束的同时,路德也在德国开展了运动。在这个问题上,教会要负很大责任,他们对于一再重申的改革要求无能为力。

在任何革除困扰教廷的弊端的改革中,对教皇教廷的改革应排在首位。一直以来,虽然有相当一部份主教和高官的生活无可指摘,但其他很多人都是在尸位素餐,而他们的行为导致了对宗教和梵蒂冈的偏见。也许Platina在《教皇生活》中,以及Burcard和Infessura在日记中所揭露的丑闻只是出于个人的不满以及恶意的想象。但就算排除出于这些人性的缺点攻击不算,还是有足够的证据证明,14,15世纪的教廷,已不再能吸引新人满怀信心和崇敬的去朝圣罗马了。这些贪婪腐败的官员引致人们对于梵蒂冈的不信任,对于人们批判他们纯粹利用宗教揽钱,他们也确实难逃其咎。

14,15世纪由教皇直接或间接征发的形形色色的税收,使这些批判更加言之凿凿。但要理解,如果不向世界各地的恩主们求得布施,教皇无法运作教廷,养活一大帮官员,这些官员的工作还是绝对必要的。教皇驻跸阿维尼翁之时,出于保障自身以及教廷驻跸费用的需要,还增收了额外的费用。同时,因为教皇国的叛乱和混乱,教皇也无望在自己的世俗领地中获得岁入。返归罗马后,修复破损的宫殿,继续资助文艺,以及领导欧洲对抗伊斯兰力量,也少不了孔方护航。

基于上述最后一个任务,即组织基督力量对抗土耳其,教皇宣称要对所有教属物业政审固定税额。年税率在什一至三什一不等,但这项税收只在特定时间征收。即便是在十字军全球风靡时期,这项税收也遭到了强烈抵制。待到欧洲人开始意识斗争的重要性,而教皇又对世俗君主的抗命又无能为力之时,这项税收就更加饱受抨击了。不仅是相关的神职人员,就连世俗君主们也开始过问教皇用征收物权税的方式提高税收。法国和英国采取措施自保,而德国因为缺乏强力的中央政府,贵族们又专注于统一,就很难对这些要求做出有效抵制。但在1354年, 1372年, 1459年, 1487年, 和 1500年, 德国主教还是对教皇征收教属物权税的企图提出了强烈抗议。

0

阅读 评论 收藏 转载 喜欢 打印举报/Report
前一篇:翻译
后一篇:翻译
  • 评论加载中,请稍候...
发评论

    发评论

    以上网友发言只代表其个人观点,不代表新浪网的观点或立场。

    < 前一篇翻译
    后一篇 >翻译
      

    新浪BLOG意见反馈留言板 电话:4000520066 提示音后按1键(按当地市话标准计费) 欢迎批评指正

    新浪简介 | About Sina | 广告服务 | 联系我们 | 招聘信息 | 网站律师 | SINA English | 会员注册 | 产品答疑

    新浪公司 版权所有