来源：半岛电视台 

英文网址：http://english.aljazeera.net/indepth/features/2011/05/201153185927813389.html

作者：Hugh Macleod和Annasofie Flamand

完成时间：2011-05-31，12:11

翻译：@skipper79  （榕通社志愿者）

榕通社警告：未满18岁者请不要继续阅读！

The mutilation and death in custody of a 13-year-old child has sparked further furious protests in Syrian city of Daraa.

一位13岁男孩在监禁中被杀，他支离破碎的尸体使得叙利亚德拉城的抗议怒火越燃越高。

Many tributes to Hamza al-Khateeb, such as this one drawn by a child, have been posted to the Facebook group set up to commemorate his life - and death [Facebook]

许多人为死者Hamza al-Khateeb做了纪念品，上图是一个孩子的作品，为了纪念Hamza al-Khateeb的一生，凭吊他的逝去，这幅画已经被张贴在网上。 

Hamza al-Khateeb used to love it when the rains came to his small corner of southern Syria, filling up the farmers' irrigation channels enough so that he and the other children could jump in and swim.

Hamza al-Khateeb生活在叙利亚南部一个偏远的小地方，他生前喜爱下雨，因为雨水会灌满农田的灌渠，他和其他的孩子就可以跳下去，游水嬉戏。 

But the drought of the last few years had left the 13-year-old without the fun of his favourite pool.

不过，最近几年的干旱让这个13岁的孩子失去了游水嬉戏的乐趣。 

Instead, he'd taken to raising homing pigeons, standing on the roof of his family's simple breeze-block home, craning his neck back to see the birds circling above the wide horizon of fields, where wheat and tomatoes were grown from the tough, scrubby soils.

他的新乐趣是喂养信鸽。站在家中简易砖房的屋顶上，孩子伸长脖子回头望着飞翔环绕在田地边际上的鸟儿们，（下面的）田地里小麦和西红柿从坚硬、灌木丛生的土地中伸出头来。 

Though not from a wealthy family himself, Hamza was always aware of others less fortunate than himself, said a cousin who spoke to Al Jazeera.

Hamza的一个表亲告诉半岛电视台，尽管孩子的家里并不富裕，但是他总是关心其他境况不如他的人。 

"He would often ask his parents for money to give to the poor. I remember once he wanted to give  someone 100 Syrian Pounds ($2), and his family said it was too much. But Hamza said, 'I have a bed and food while that guy has nothing.' And so he persuaded his parents to give the poor man the 100."

（这个表亲说：）“他经常向父母要钱接济穷人。我记得他曾经想给一个人100叙利亚镑（两美元），他家人说他给得太多了。但是Hamza说，‘我有床有吃的，而那个人一无所有。’最后，他父母听他的话给了那个穷人100叙利亚镑。” 

In the hands of President Bashar al-Assad's security forces, however, Hamza found no such compassion, his humanity degraded to nothing more than a lump of flesh to beat, burn, torture and defile, until the screaming stopped at last.

然而在巴沙尔·阿萨德总统的安全部队手中，Hamza却没有遇到相似的怜悯，他被打、被烧、被折磨、被侮辱，全身浮肿，直至他的哀号最终停止。 

Arrested during a protest in Saida, 10km east of Daraa, on April 29, Hamza's body was returned to his family on Tuesday 24th May, horribly mutilated.

4月29日在德拉以东10公里的Saida发生抗议游行，Hamza就在那时被捕；5月24日周四，他极度残缺不全的遗体被交还给他的家人。 

The child had spent nearly a month in the custody of Syrian security, and when they finally returned his corpse it bore the scars of brutal torture: Lacerations, bruises and burns to his feet, elbows, face and knees, consistent with the use of electric shock devices and of being whipped with cable, both techniques of torture documented by Human Rights Watch as being used in Syrian prisons during the bloody three-month crackdown on protestors.

在叙利亚安全机关，这个孩子被关了将近一个月的时间，当那些人最终归还遗体时，惨不目睹的遗体上遍布野蛮拷问留下的伤痕：有撕裂伤，淤伤，他的脚趾、肘部、脸部和膝部被烧灼过。此外还有遭到电击、鞭打的痕迹，在长达三个月的血腥镇压中，根据人权观察组织的记录，这两项拷问工具在叙利亚监狱中经常被使用。 

Hamza's eyes were swollen and black and there were identical bullet wounds where he had apparently been shot through both arms, the bullets tearing a hole in his sides and lodging in his belly.

Hamza的眼睛肿胀淤清，两支臂膀上有清晰的枪弹伤，子弹在他的两边各打出了一个洞，最后留在他的腹中。 

On Hamza's chest was a deep, dark burn mark. His neck was broken and his penis cut off.

在Hamza的胸部有一块焦黑的烧灼痕迹。他的脖子被折断，生殖器被割掉。 

"Where are the human rights committees? Where is the International Criminal Court?" asks the voice of the man inspecting Hamza's body on a video uploaded to YouTube.

“人权委员会在哪里？国际刑事法庭在哪里？”这是一个在YouTube上看过Hamza遗体视频的人大声发出地疑问。

"A month had passed by with his family not knowing where he was, or if or when he would be released. He was released to his family as a corpse. Upon examining his body, the signs of torture are very clear."

“一个月里他的家人不知道他在哪里，或是他何时将被释放。他回家的时候已是一具尸体。看看他的尸体，刑讯折磨的痕迹是如此清晰。” 

The original clip has since been removed, but a version with Hamza's castrated genitals blurred is still running [Note: this video is extremely graphic].

这个影像的最初版本已被删除，但是有Hamza被阉割部位的一个模糊版本还在流传。（注：该录像过于写实） 

"When Hamza's mother came to see the body she was only shown his face," said the cousin, who was present at the time.

那时在现场的表亲说：“当Hamza的母亲来看尸体的时候，只能让她看他的脸。” 

"We tried to tell the father not to look, but he pulled the blanket back. When he saw Hamza's body he fainted. People ran to help him and some started filming - it was chaos."

“我们试图劝他的父亲不要看，但是他拉开了毯子。当看到Hamza尸体的时候，他晕倒了。有人上去扶他，有人开始摄像，现场一片混乱。” 

'He just disappeared'

“他只是失踪了” 

April 29 was dubbed "The Friday of Ending the siege on Deraa", the border city where the torture of children had lit the spark for the Syrian uprising and where Maher al-Assad's forces lead the assault on a civilian population that killed hundreds.

4月29日被称作“德拉被围结束的周五”，德拉这个边境城市因为（三月份）许多孩子被拷问而点起了叙利亚人民的反抗烽火，同时马希尔·阿萨德（注：叙利亚共和卫队指挥官，阿萨德总统的弟弟）率领军队攻击市民，造成数百人被杀。 

Hamza didn't burn for politics, said his cousin, "but everybody seemed to be going to the protest, so he went along as well," walking with friends and family the 12km along the road from his home town of Jeezah north-west to Saida.

Hamza并不热衷于政治，他的表亲说：“不过，好像每个人都要去抗议游行，所以他也跟去了。”Hamza与朋友和家人从他的家乡Jeezah沿着一条12公里的公路走向Saida。 

The firing began almost as soon as the villagers reached the edge of Saida, said the cousin.

这位表亲称，几乎在村民们刚到达Saida城市边缘的时候，（军队）就开火了。 

"People were killed and wounded, some were arrested. It was chaotic we didn't know at that point what had happened to Hamza. He just disappeared."

“有人被杀，有人受伤，一些人被捕。现场一片混乱，我们不知道那个时候Hamza发生了什么。他只是失踪了。” 

A second source from the region, an activist, also spoke to Al Jazeera, confirming that Hamza had been among 51 protesters detained on April 29, he said, by Airforce Intelligence, which a number of detainees have reported as using brutal torture.

这个地区的第二个消息来自一位活动家，他也告诉半岛电视台，他确信Hamza就是4月29日被空军情报部监禁的51名抗议者中的一个。他说，据称有许多在押人员遭到了野蛮的刑讯。 

"They were all arrested by the anti-terrorism branch of the Airforce Intelligence," said the activist.

这位活动家称：“他们都被空军情报部的反恐部门逮捕了。” 

"They were all alive when they went into prison, but we received 13 bodies back this week and all had been tortured. The Airforce Intelligence are notorious for torture, they're barbarians. We're expecting another dozen bodies back in the coming days."

“当他们被关起来的时候，他们都活着，但是这周我们收到了13具尸体，他们都被拷打过。空军情报部因刑讯折磨而臭名昭著，他们就是野蛮人。我们预期在接下来的日子里还会收到十几具尸体。” 

Responding to the video of Hamza's mutilated body, Syria's only private TV station, the pro-regime Al Dunia, aired an interview (Arabic) with a forensic doctor from Damascus' Tishreen Militarily Hospital.

作为对Hamza残缺不全尸体的回应，叙利亚唯一的私人电视台，也就是支持政府的Al Dunia电视台，播出了一个对来自大马士革Tishreen军事医院法医的访谈节目。 

Dr. Akram al-Shaar, who claimed to have supervised the autopsy of Hamza in Tishreen, said he found no signs of torture, claiming the marks on Hamza's body had been caused by natural decomposition.

Akram al-Shaar医生称，他在Tishreen军事医院主持了对Hamza的尸检，他没有发现任何拷打的痕迹，他称Hamza尸体上的痕迹是由自然腐烂造成的。 

Dr Shaar's testimony, however, is also the first public admission by a Syrian official that civilians arrested or injured or killed during the military assault on the Deraa region have been collected and transported to security facilities in Damascus.

无论如何，Shaar医生的证词也是叙利亚官方第一次公开承认，在军队攻击德拉地区的时候，有被捕、受伤、被杀的市民被集中运到了大马士革的安全部门。 

Earlier this month, the Damascus Center for Human Rights Studies (DCHRS) reported that the bodies of 244 civilians killed in the military assault on Deraa had been transported to Tishreen Military hospital, consistent with an apparent systematic regime campaign, first reported by Al Jazeera, to disrupt the treatment of dead and dying protestors.

在本月初，大马士革人权研究中心（DCHRS）报告称，244具在军队进攻德拉时被杀的平民尸体被运到了Tishreen军事医院，这很明显是一次有系统的政府行为以搅乱对已死亡或濒死抗议者（人数统计）的处理，这件事被半岛电视台最先爆出。 

After Hamza's body was filmed so the world could see how he died, the boy was buried in Jizah after last prayers for his soul in the local mosque. Following the ceremony, children walked through the streets of Jizah holding up a photo of Hamza and a banner that said he died a martyr, 13-years-old, under the brutal torture of the security forces.

Hamza遗体被摄像使全世界都可以看到他的惨死，随后当地清真寺为他的灵魂作了最后一次祈祷，他的遗体被安葬在Jizah。在接下来的葬礼中，孩子们高举Hamza的相片和旗帜穿过Jizah的大街，旗帜上印着“他是一位烈士，享年13岁，死于保安部队的野蛮酷刑”。 

All foreign media are barred from Syria but experienced local journalists and human rights researchers found no reason to doubt the authenticity of the footage of Hamza.

在叙利亚，所有外国媒体都被管制着，但是经验丰富的当地记者和人权观察家们认为Hamza遗体视频的真实性是毫无疑问的。 

Hamza was 13 years old when he was seized by Syrian security forces [Facebook]

当Hamza被叙利亚安全部队抓捕的时候，只有13岁。

'A crime against humanity'

“反人类罪行” 

Hamza's father, Ali al-Khateeb, wanted to press charges against the army and security forces, said Hamza's cousin. Instead, Ali and his wife were visited by the secret police and threatened.

Hamza 的表亲说，Hamza的父亲Ali al-Khateeb打算去控告军队和安全部队。结果，秘密警察找到了他和他的妻子，威胁他们。 

"They said: 'Enough of what has happened because of you already. You know what would happen if we heard you had spoken to the media,'" said Hamza's mother, clearly terrified as she spoke to the local activist, refusing to give further details on the circumstances of her son's arrest or death.

Hamza的母亲说：“他们说：‘因为你们，现在发生的事已经够多了。如果我们听到你们跟媒体联系，你们知道会发生什么。’”当她对当地活动家说话的时候，显得很恐惧，她也拒绝透露更多的关于她儿子被捕和死因的情况。 

Hamza's father was briefly detained late Saturday afternoon, said his wife, after the secret police demanded he tell state media that Hamza was killed by armed Salafists, Sunni Muslim extremists, which the regime has claimed are driving the popular uprising.

Hamza的母亲称，秘密警察让Hamza的父亲告诉政府媒体，Hamza是被萨拉菲斯特武装分子（逊尼派穆斯林极端分子）杀害的。政府的这一宣传反而加剧了民众的反抗，随后Hamza的父亲在周六下午晚些时候被监禁了一会儿。 

"The father was asked to go to the security branch for half an hour so they could tell him their point of view about Hamza," said the cousin. "He was well treated."

那个表亲说：“他父亲被告知去安全部门待半个小时，这样他们就能把他们对于Hamza的说法告诉他父亲。他父亲没有受虐待。” 

Torture in Syrian prisons, long known as some of the worst in the world, is now "rampant" according to a report by Human Rights Watch.

根据国际观察的报告，在全世界，叙利亚监狱严刑拷打的极恶名声早已有之，如今到了“泛滥”的地步。 

"When you have mass execution and torture it rises to the level of a crime against humanity. In Syria, it appears clear that this has become widespread and systematic," said Ricken Patel, director of Avaaz, which has been documenting human rights abuses in the country.

叙利亚记录人权问题组织Avaaz的主任Ricken Patel称：“”当出现了大规模处决和严刑拷打时，这就升级到了反人类罪行的标准。在这一地区，这很显然已经变得普遍化和系统化。 

"This is a campaign of mass terrorism and intimidation: Horribly tortured people sent back to communities by a regime not trying to cover up its crimes, but to advertise them."

“这是一次大规模使用恐怖手段和恐吓的行动：政府将受过极度严刑拷打的人送回社会，并不试图掩盖其恶行，而是拿这些作为宣传。” 

If advertising its crimes is indeed the regime's strategy then it appears to be working: Within hours of the video of Hamza's mutilated body going online a protest broke out in Daraa city by hundreds of furious residents, defying the ongoing military siege to express their outrage at Hamza's torture and killing.

如果宣传恶行确实是这个政权的策略的话，那么它显然起了（某些）效果：在Hamza残缺不全的遗体视频在网上流传了几个小时之内，在德拉数以百计愤怒的市民就展开了一场抗议游行，他们公然违抗军队的持续围城，以表达他们对Hamza被刑讯致死的义愤。 

"People here are really furious about what happened to Hamza and this is another sign that the secret police and the authorities are criminals who cannot be trusted to make any reforms," said the activist, who travels widely in the Deraa region.

一位深入德拉地区的活动家称：“在这里的人民真是为Hamza的遭遇而义愤填膺，这是又一个迹象，说明秘密警察和政府当局就是罪犯，不能相信他们会做出任何改革。” 

A week after his body was returned, a Facebook page dedicated to Hamza had more than 60,000 followers, under the title, "We are all Hamza al-Khateeb", a deliberate echo of the online campaign on behalf of Khaled Saeed, the young Egyptian whose death in police custody last year proved a trigger for the revolution in Cairo.

在Hamza的遗体被归还一周之后，Facebook的一个网页上，在“我们都是Hamza al-Khateeb”的标题下，有超过60,000人支持Hamza，这与代表Khaled Saeed的网络运动形成了呼应，Khaled Saeed是一位埃及年轻人，去年他在监禁中被警察打死，从而引发了开罗革命。 

From the other end of Syria, in the far north-east, Rezan Mustapha, spokesman of the opposition Kurdish Future Movement said he and others had also seen the horrifying footage.

在叙利亚的另一端，在遥远东北部的Rezan Mustapha，反对派库尔德未来运动发言人称，他和其他人也看到了这个恐怖的视频。 

"This video moved not only every single Syrian, but people worldwide. It is unacceptable and inexcusable. The horrible torture was done to terrify demonstrators and make them stop calling for their demands."

“这个视频不但触动了每一个叙利亚人，也触动了全世界的人。这是无法接受的，也是不能宽恕的。这种极端残忍的拷打是为了吓住抗议游行者，让他们停止为自己的需求而呐喊。”

But, said Khateeb, protestors would only be spurred on by such barbarity.

但是，Khateeb的遭遇告诉我们，如此暴行只能激励抗议者。 

"More people will now go to the street. We hold the Syrian secret police fully responsible for the torturing and killing of this child, even if they deny it."

“更多的人将走上大街。就算叙利亚的秘密警察否认，我们也要让他们为这个孩子被拷打致死负上全部的责任。” 

Some reactions didn't need any words at all. Though only one among his 20 other children from two wives, Hamza's 65-year-old father Ali appeared no less devastated by Hamza's murder than if he had lost his only son. 

一些反应是无需语言来表达的。Hamza的65岁父亲Ali有两个妻子和20个子女，Hamza只是其中一个，但是他父亲失去他的悲痛一点都不亚于那些失去独子之人的。 

"How would any family feel if they saw that video of their own child?" asked Hamza's cousin. "I have never seen Hamza's father cry in his entire life. Now we see only tears in his eyes."

“任何家庭如果看到自己的孩子变成视频中的那样，他们会怎么样？”Hamza的表亲问道，“我从未见过Hamza的父亲在他这辈子里哭过。如今，我们看见他双眼中只有泪水。” 

虐杀:13岁孩子Hamza【全译半岛】 

冒险向反对派偷运物资的女孩

来源：路透社 

英文网址：

http://www.reuters.com/article/2012/04/25/us-syria-smuggling-idUSBRE83O0TA20120425

完成时间：2012-04-25，周三，10:23am EDT （美东区时区）

翻译：@skipper79

(Reuters) - When the aspirin and alcohol swabs fell from under her clothes at a Syrian army checkpoint, Rania stood petrified, looking first down at her fallen contraband and then up at the soldier who stared straight back at her.

在一个叙利亚军队的检查站，阿司匹林和一堆酒精药签从Rania的衣服下掉了出来，她全身僵硬，先是低头看了看自己掉在地上的禁运品，再一抬头，发现一名士兵直勾勾地盯着她。

Rania knew that smuggling food and medicine to Syrian opposition activists was considered by security forces to be "aiding terrorists" and treated as severely as weapons smuggling.

Rania清楚向叙利亚反对派偷运食物、药品会被安全部队当作“恐怖分子从犯”， 这类情况等同于偷运武器，下场相当不妙。

"I thought to myself: I am dead," said Rania, 27, recalling the incident on the outskirts of Damascus.

27岁的Rania回想着发生在大马士革市郊的那一幕，她说：“我心想，这次死定了。”

She was in luck. The soldier was a sympathizer.

她很幸运。那名士兵是（反对派）同情者。

"Quick," she quoted him as saying. "Pick up your medicine and go, before my commanding officer comes back."

Rania记得那位士兵说：“快点。在我上司回来前，捡起你的药品，快走。”

And with that pardon, she fled.

靠着那次幸运，她逃脱了。

During the 13-month uprising against President Bashar al-Assad, Syrian forces have killed more than 9,000 people in shootings and bombardment of rebel areas, the United Nations says. Thousands more have been arrested.

据联合国统计，在长达13个月反抗巴沙尔·阿萨德的起义中，叙利亚武装射击炮轰反对派地区，已经打死超过9,000人。还有更多的数以千计的人被捕。

Syrian authorities, who say foreign-backed militants have killed more than 2,600 soldiers and police, have supplied aid to residents they say are fleeing "armed terrorists" but have repeatedly denied access to international aid organizations.

叙利亚当局表示，外国支持的武装集团已经打死了超过2,600士兵和警察。他们称，已经向他们称之为在逃“武装恐怖分子”的当地居民提供了援助，然而却一直禁止国际援助组织进入。

Activists say most people wounded in the unrest will not go to state hospitals for fear they will be considered enemies of Assad and arrested rather than treated.

活动人士称，在动荡地区的大部分伤者不去政府医院，因为他们害怕等着他们的不是治疗，而是被当作阿萨德的敌人遭到逮捕。

Amateur video shows poorly stocked makeshift hospitals in opposition strongholds, many without electricity, with doctors pleading for help from the outside world.

在一个业余视频中，可以看到在反对派地区极为简陋的临时医院，那里没有电，医生们则在请求国际社会提供帮助。

In the absence of international support, dissidents have found informal ways to smuggle food and medicine to injured and famished people around the country.

在没有国际社会援助的情况下，为了叙利亚全境受伤、挨饿的民众，反对派采用了偷运食物和药品的方式。

Rania and her friends, a group of young, liberal women, pretend to be conservative Muslims, hiding the medicines, food and money they bring out of Damascus to Homs city under thick layers of clothing and headscarves.

Rania和她的朋友是一群年轻、开放的女孩，她们就组成了一个小组。她们扮成穆斯林传统女性，将药品、食物和资金藏在厚厚的衣服和头巾下，运出大马士革，送到霍姆斯。

How many others make similar smuggling trips around Syria, they have no way of knowing. They say this method of smuggling is an open secret, but authorities are unwilling to search women, especially those who appear pious, as it would cause an outcry.

在叙利亚有多少人从事这种类似的偷运行动还无法统计。他们说，这种偷运方式是个公开的秘密，不过当局不想搜查妇女，尤其是显得特别虔诚的那种，如果搜查会招来强烈反对。 

FORMING THE TEAM

组建小组

Rania, a qualified lawyer, operates in a team of four, including two female friends who worked as supermarket checkout assistants. The fourth team member is a doctor.

Rania是个有资格的律师，她的小组有四个人，另两个女孩是超市收银员。第四个人是位医生。

She agreed to be interviewed via Skype, but would not give her last name for fear that it could compromise their operation. Another of the girls, Ola, agreed to answer questions through a friend who sometimes helps the team, who herself asked not to be named.

通过Skype，Rania同意接受采访，不过由于害怕危及小组行动，她没有透露姓氏。另一位女孩Ola也同意通过她的朋友回答问题，她的这位朋友也不时提供帮助，不过希望能保持匿名。

All of the group are from Homs, one of the worst hit areas in Syria, where forces have been shelling central districts for months.

Rania小组的所有人都来自霍姆斯，霍姆斯是叙利亚受战灾最严重的地区，当局武装曾经连续数月炮轰该地中心地区。

"Me and the girls met the doctor, who is a childhood friend, and asked him how we could help people who were injured or in need of food," Rania said.

Rania说：“我们这些女孩子找到的那位医生是童年发小，我们问他怎样才能帮助那些受伤受饿的人。”

The team rented a large apartment in a poor area of Damascus where prices are low. All quit their jobs, except the doctor who does four shifts a week; authorities suspect doctors who leave work, residents say, assuming they have joined the opposition.

Rania小组在大马士革租金较低的不发达地区租了一间大屋子。除了医生，她们所有人都辞了工作，那位医生每周有四次轮班。据当地居民称，对于离职的医生，当局会认为他们加入了反对派。

"We sold everything we could, even our jewelry," said Ola. "We filled the apartment with rice, sugar, spaghetti and vegetable oil. The doctor uses his sources to get anti-inflammatories, bandages and trauma kits."

Ola说：“我们卖掉了所有的一切，甚至是我们的珠宝。房间里装满了大米、糖、意大利面和植物油。医生还利用关系搞到了消炎药、绷带和疗伤用具。”

To save money, the team eats two meals a day. To keep a low profile, they rarely make phone calls and only leave the building when necessary. They work at night.

为了省钱，Rania小组一天只吃两餐。为了隐蔽，她们极少使用手机，只有必要时才离开房子。晚上则是她们的行动时间。

When other activists visit, they are asked to bring their own food to keep costs low.

当其他活动人士来访时，她们会要求自带食物，这样可以降低成本消耗。

"Smuggling is expensive," said the friend who asked not to be named. "You need a taxi driver who will agree to go through the checkpoints out of Damascus and take the two-hour drive to Homs. It is dangerous for him, too".

那位匿名朋友说：“偷运的成本很高。你需要找到一个出租汽车司机，他能同意带你通过检查站，离开大马士革，向北开两个小时前往霍姆斯。这对司机来说相当危险。” 

GAUZE AND BANDAGES

纱布和绷带

Operations start at the apartment. The women change their jeans and tank tops for long-sleeved dresses and the conservative Muslim hijab head scarf.

行动都是从她们的房间开始。女孩们将牛仔裤和吊带衫换成传统的长袖裙，再戴上传统的穆斯林头巾。

"I am thin so we can fit lots of medical gauze under my clothes," said the friend. "One of the girls stuffs cotton bandages in her bra."

那位（匿名）朋友说；“我很瘦，因此我的衣服里会放很多医用纱布。还有一个女孩在文胸里塞满了棉质绷带。”

The women, often covered in a hidden layer of antibiotics, travel alone in a private taxi or a bus north out of the capital to Homs city.

女孩们的衣服下经常是一身抗生素，她们独自坐上出租车或公共汽车，离开大马士革，向北前往霍姆斯。

"The government knows everything, but they don't want extra trouble," said the friend. "In (the Damascus suburb of) Douma, security members arrested some women and it caused a huge amount of civil disobedience."

那位（匿名）朋友说：“当局知道这些事情，但是他们不想多生事端。安全部队曾在（大马士革市郊）Douma区逮捕了一些妇女，结果导致大批人进行非暴力抗议。”

But not every checkpoint is safe and there are slip-ups that could land Rania and Ola in prison.

不过不是每个检查站都可安全通过，任何疏漏都可能让Rania和Ola进监狱。

"Sometimes we are detained at checkpoints. We either pay a bribe or wait to see what will happen to us. Some of the checkpoints are manned by Assad loyalist gunmen who don't work for the regular army," says Ola. "We fear them the most."

Ola说：“有时我们会被扣在检查站。要么去贿赂，要么等着看会有什么发生。一些检查站是由支持阿萨德的枪手控制着，他们不是正规军人。我们最怕他们。”

"But the worst time for me was when I was due to meet another activist to give him some blood bags, money and food," said Ola. She waited in the rain but the man did not show.

Ola记得：“对我来说最糟糕的一次是去跟另一个活动人士接头，我要交给他血袋、资金和食物。”当时Ola在雨中等着，而那个男人没有来。

"It was late at night, I was forced to leave the food on the side of the road as the risk of returning with it through checkpoints was too great," she said.

她说：“到了深夜，我不得已将食物留在路边，因为回去时带着这些东西过检查站太危险了。”

"I walked home, crying. The trip had been for nothing."

“回去的路上我哭了，那次行动失败了。” 

(Editing by Dominic Evans and Sonya Hepinstall)

编辑：Dominic Evans和Sonya Hepinstall

摄影师保罗·康罗伊：霍姆斯下水道逃生记

作者：Margarette Driscoll（泰晤士报）

March 05, 2012 12:00AM

来源：星期日泰晤士报

英文网址：此为《澳洲人报》转载

http://www.theaustralian.com.au/news/world/photographer-paul-conroy-made-his-sscape-from-homs-through-a-sewer/story-fnb64oi6-1226288700517

翻译：@skipper79 http://weibo.com/u/2077625315?topnav=1&wvr=3.6 

Sunday Times photographer Paul Conroy laying injured in a makeshift Homs clinic last week before his escape. Picture: AP Source: AP

《星期日泰晤士报》摄影师保罗·康罗伊受伤躺在霍姆斯城的一家临时诊所中，这是上周他逃离前的照片。（AP）

THE small clear plastic specimen jar has a simple label: "P Conroy. Shrapnel:. It contains a potentially lethal, gnarled piece of metal extracted from the photographer Paul Conroy's torso in a three-hour operation last Friday.

一个干净的小塑料标本缸上贴着一个标签：“P 康罗伊，弹片：上周五经过三个小时的手术，该可能致命的变形金属被从摄影师保罗·康罗伊的身体中取出。”

Conroy, tanned and rugged, is in remarkably good shape for a man with a huge hole blown through one of his legs. He sustained the injury, plus smaller wounds - including one from the shrapnel now sitting on top of a cabinet by his bed - when a rocket exploded outside the house in which he and Marie Colvin, the celebrated Sunday Times war correspondent, were staying in the besieged Syrian city of Homs.

康罗伊皮色棕褐，身体强壮，体形健美，而他的一条腿上被打出了一个大洞。那天他和《星期日泰晤士报》的著名记者玛丽·科尔文正待在被围攻的叙利亚城市霍姆斯，一枚火箭弹在他们所在的房屋外爆炸，康罗伊腿部受了伤，此外还有一些轻伤，现在一枚弹片就陈列在他的床头柜上。

Colvin and French photojournalist Remi Ochlik were killed instantly by the blast. Conroy and French reporter Edith Bouvier were injured and spent the next five days holed up in a safe house run by rebels with Bouvier's boyfriend and a Spanish journalist.

在那次爆炸中，科尔文和法国摄影记者雷米·奥奇力克当场殉职。康罗伊和法国记者埃迪特·布维耶负了伤，随后他们在反对派的一个藏身处躲了五天，与他们在一起的还有布维耶的男友和一个西班牙记者。

As shells rained down around them and small arms fire came closer by the day, all wondered whether they would make it out alive. Frantic negotiations by journalists and diplomats appeared fruitless and the usual escape route from the city had been damaged by mortar fire and was watched by government forces.

那时每天有炮弹在他们周围雨点般落下，附近还有轻武器交火的声音，所有人都在担心，他们是否能够逃出生天。记者们与外交人员进行的紧张谈判似乎毫无结果，被用来逃生的常规路线已经被迫击炮轰炸所损坏，还被政府军监视着。

Even now, in the relative comfort of a London hospital, with a morphine drip to take the edge off the pain, Conroy, 47, has moments of feeling jumpy.

现在47岁的康罗伊已经待在舒适的伦敦医院，吗啡点滴可以缓解疼痛，但他还是感到心惊肉跳。

As he was wheeled into his room after being flown from Beirut, the first thing he noticed was its picture window with a beautiful view of the City. "Oh, I do not like that!" he thought - momentarily forgetting that shell fire from the Thames, which would shatter the glass, spraying him with lethal fragments, was unlikely.

在从贝鲁特飞回来后，他坐着轮椅进入自己的房间。最先映入他眼帘的就是落地窗外美丽的城市景色。他心想：“哦，我真不喜欢这个！”他还记得炮弹飞来，击碎玻璃，致命的碎片射向他的景象。旋即他又意识到，在泰晤士河这里不太可能遭到炮击。

The room in which he was imprisoned in Homs, waiting for rescue, also had a large window, which helpers barricaded with spare mattresses, making him safe from flying glass but giving the room a constant air of gloom.

康罗伊在霍姆斯被困等待救援的地方也有一扇大窗户，有人用备用床垫堵住那里，使他免受飞散玻璃碎片的伤害，不过这也使屋子里一直气氛阴沉。

By the end of his time there, Conroy, a former soldier, felt so desperate that he had formulated a private plan to try to escape alone under cover of darkness, dragging his injured leg through the rubble.

康罗伊曾经当过兵，当时他感到很绝望，还自己拟定了一个秘密计划，打算借着夜幕，拖着伤腿穿过废墟独自逃跑。

"I'd take my chances," he recalls. "There was no way I was going to stay in that bed waiting for the sound of boots to come marching in."

他回忆道：“这就是碰运气。我可不想躺在那里听那些人的皮靴声越来越近。”

In the event, he became part of an extraordinary last-ditch attempt by rebels to get their wounded out of the Baba Amr district of Homs before it fell to government troops. It was a journey - in pitch darkness, with snipers to be dodged and a one-mile motorbike ride through an underground tunnel - that would test every physical and mental resource Conroy could command. It also cost the lives of at least half a dozen Free Syrian Army activists who had volunteered to help him and the others escape.

最后在霍姆斯城巴巴阿姆鲁区落入政府军之手前，反对派做出了最后一次运出伤员的努力，康罗伊就是其中一员。在这次旅行中，四周漆黑一片，途中要躲避狙击手的子弹，还要在地下坑道，经受一英里长的摩托车之旅，这对康罗伊的身体和精神都是一次考验。在自愿参与协助他和其他人逃离那里的自由叙利亚军战士中，有至少六人付出了自己的生命。

As he lay in bed last week, the faces of the key players in the drama kept drifting through his mind: Colvin, the feisty, wisecracking American with whom he had shared dangers and privations not just in Syria but in the worst of the fighting in Libya last year; Bouvier, the young Frenchwoman who held his hand for comfort, not speaking, as they lay injured in a field hospital; Hassan, the stocky, bald thirtysomething who ran the media centre where the journalists were staying, spoke perfect English and used to work at Tesco; Dr Mohammed, calmly treating scores of wounded under fire; and Wael, his and Colvin's interpreter, a former commando who refused to leave Conroy's side even though he, too, was injured and in great pain.

上周康罗伊一躺在床上，那个场景中重要人物的面庞就会不断萦绕在他的脑海中：好强的科尔文妙语连珠，他们不但在叙利亚共赴险地，去年在利比亚战斗最惨烈的时候也在一起；布维耶是个年轻的法国女记者，当他们受伤躺在野战医院时，她没有言语，只是温柔地握着他的手；三十多岁Hassan，身材矮壮，头上无发，就是他维持着记者们所在的媒体中心，他有一口流利的英语，曾就职于特易购；Mohammed医生，他在炮火下冷静地救治了数十名伤者；还有康罗伊和科尔文的翻译Wael，他曾是一名突击队员，当他也受了伤，遭受痛楚之际，也没有离开康罗伊的身边。

Trouble erupted in Syria a year ago, when 15 schoolchildren were arrested and allegedly tortured in the city of Dera'a, after daubing, "The people want the downfall of the regime - the slogan of the popular uprisings in Tunisia and Egypt - on a wall.

叙利亚危机爆发于一年前，当时在德拉十五个学童被逮捕，据说还被拷打。这些学童只是在墙上写道“人民希望这个政权倒台”，这一标语是突尼斯和埃及民众起义时的口号。

Government forces opened fire on a peaceful protest, killing four people. Within days protests broke out in several cities and were brutally crushed by the regime; but the discontent slowly turned into an uprising as soldiers deserted to form the Free Syrian Army. The United Nations estimates that 7500 civilians have been killed and 14,000 detained during the fighting. Homs was the stronghold of the opposition - denounced as "armed gangs and terrorists" by the Syrian government.

接着政府武装在一次和平抗议中开火，有四人被杀。数日之间，抗议在几个城市中爆发，当局的对应是野蛮镇压；不过当有士兵叛逃组成自由叙利亚军时，这个不满行为已经慢慢地变成了一次起义。联合国评估，在冲突中有7,500名平民被杀，还有14,000人被监禁。霍姆斯是反对派的重要据点，叙利亚政府称反对派为“武装团伙和恐怖分子”。

Conroy and Colvin realised that Syria was heading for civil war and knew that, because of its brutal army, working there would be even more dangerous than reporting from Libya.

由于叙利亚当局军队的暴行，康罗伊和科尔文都意识到叙利亚正滑向内战，也清楚在这里报道要比在利比亚那时更危险。

They were friends as well as colleagues, sharing a love of sailing as an antidote to the death and destruction that dominated their working lives.

他们二人既是朋友，也是同事，都热爱帆船运动，并把这项运动当作他们在工作中所面对的死亡和毁灭的一种调节。

Colvin, brought up in Oyster Bay, Long Island, was a keen and experienced yachtswoman who had twice taken part in the Fastnet race and planned to sail the Atlantic later this year.

科尔文在长岛牡蛎湾长大，是一个热忱、经验丰富的女帆船运动员，曾经两次参加法斯特耐特帆船赛，还计划今年随后要畅游大西洋。

Conroy, who lives in Devon, keeps a 35ft yacht, Katani, moored in Malta. Last year, as he and Colvin tried to enter Misratah, where Libyan rebels were under siege, they decided that if they failed to get in by land, they would try sailing into Tripoli.

康罗伊住在德文郡，他有一艘35英尺长的帆船，这艘船叫Katani，停泊在马耳他。去年他们进入米苏拉塔，当利比亚反对派正在那里遭受围攻。他们还决定如果陆路不通，就通过水路前往的黎波里。

Events aboard Katani soon afterwards had served as a reminder of the capricious nature of life and death. The day Conroy left Libya - where he had been under constant fire - his younger brother Neil, 44, who had been living aboard the boat, was found in Katani's tender, dead from a heart attack. Friends and family were constantly warning and fretting about the risks Conroy was taking in war zones, yet it was his brother who had died as he relaxed in the sun with a drink.

后来在帆船Katani号上发生的事情，让人感到生与死的世事无常。康罗伊在利比亚经受战火之后，在他离开那天，他的弟弟44岁的Neil被发现死在Katani号的小艇上，死因是心脏病。亲朋好友不断来劝康罗伊，不要在战场上冒险，然而故去的那位只是他的弟弟，他本人则享受着日光浴和美酒。

Still, he was worried on the morning of Colvin's death, two weeks ago, when the shelling started early.

两周前一天，炮击从一早就开始了，科尔文就在那天早晨殉职了，而康罗伊还在为此而烦心。

They were back in Baba Amr, the area of Homs under heaviest attack, on their second visit. For 36 hours the shelling had been so bad that they were unable to leave the so-called media centre, a safe house with an internet connection where journalists could stay.

他们第二次返回巴巴阿姆鲁区时，霍马斯城的这个区正遭到了猛烈攻击。他们所处的那个新闻中心，其实就是一处有互联网的记者藏身处，当时炮击猛烈进行了36个小时，这使得他们无法离开。

The repeated whumph of a launch was followed by a whistle as a mortar shell flew through the air. They braced themselves for the explosion as each one landed, the noise getting closer every time.

随着迫击炮弹发射的声音，接着就可听到它破空而来的啸声，这种声音接连不断。炮弹落地后猛烈爆炸，而这种爆炸声每一次都越来越近。

Conroy, who had served with the Royal Artillery for seven years in the 1980s, could tell that the pattern of shelling was intensifying, signalling a change of tactics by the Syrian army that he knew would pave the way for a tank or infantry attack: "It was building and building," he says.

在上世纪八十年代，康罗伊曾在英国皇家炮兵部队服役七年，他知道炮击密度在增大，这表明叙利亚政府军改变了战术，这是在为坦克或步兵进攻做准备，他说：“目标是一栋建筑，接着一栋建筑。”

He and Colvin planned to visit a makeshift hospital where the wounded were being treated, then to assess whether to leave the city. But as they gathered their belongings at about 8am, a shell landed nearby and Hassan called them into the house's central room. More shells fell nearby and chaos ensued as they feared the house was being targeted.

他和科尔文计划访问治疗伤者的临时诊所，随后看看是否能离开霍马斯。不过早上八点，他们收拾行囊时，一颗炮弹落在附近，Hassan让他们进入建筑中间的屋子。更多的炮弹落在附近，周围一片混乱，他们担心这栋房子已经被瞄准了。

With so little traffic in Baba Amr, the comings and goings from the house had probably attracted the attention of the authorities. "The media guys were just civilians; they'd just picked up cameras to document the uprising," Conroy says. "Once it started, they realised the only way to get information to the world was to do it themselves. Six of their cameramen had already been shot or blown up. They'd all accepted they weren't going to get out alive."

在巴巴阿姆鲁区，人们足不出户，出门可能就会引起当局的注意。康罗伊说：“媒体人只是平民，他们只是用摄影机记录这次起义。一旦开干，他们就会发现想让全世界获得信息就只能亲力亲为。有六个摄影师已经被打死或被炸飞了。他们都清楚他们可能无法活着出去。”

Hassan, who ran the centre, had lived in Britain for a while. "He used to joke that when I came back I should bring him a pack of Golden Virginia tobacco in a Tesco bag. His wife had just had a baby girl he'd seen for about three minutes."

维持媒体中心的Hassan曾在英国住过一段时间。康罗伊记得：“当我回来的时候，他像往常一样打趣道，我应该用特易购包裹给他带一包金色弗吉尼亚烟草。他的太太刚生了一个小女婴，而他只看过三分钟。”

Now Hassan was yelling at them to get out, to a neighbouring house. "We took a direct hit

on the back of the house, and then a second hit on the side, upstairs," Conroy says. "Marie and Remi ran for the door, but as they got outside, a rocket exploded smack in front of them."

这时Hassan高喊着让他们逃到附近的建筑中。康罗伊说：“在那栋建筑后身的我们被直接击中，随后旁边楼上又发生了第二次爆炸。玛丽和雷米向门口跑去，但是他们还没来得及进门，一枚火箭弹就在他们前面爆炸了。”

Conroy was crouching down by his camera bag. The blast blew off the door, which flew over his head, breaking Wael's arm and Bouvier's leg. "For a few seconds there was nothing but blackness and ringing in my ears. I'd felt something go through my leg. I shouted, 'Shit! I'm hit. I'm hit.' The air was thick with dust.

康罗伊倒在自己的摄影器材包裹旁。爆炸把门吹飞过康罗伊的头顶，Wael的手臂和布维耶的大腿都骨折了。康罗伊回忆道：“好几秒钟，感觉是一片漆黑，还有耳鸣。有什么东西穿透了我的腿。我喊道，‘见鬼，我受伤了，我受伤了。’空气中满是灰尘。”

"I quickly realised there was no one to help me. I put my hand into the wound. I could feel it was bad. I grabbed the keffiyeh from round my neck and tied it round my thigh as a tourniquet.

“很快，我意识到没人能帮我。我把手压在伤口上，觉得伤势不轻。我把绕在脖子上的头巾拽下来，当作止血带绑在大腿上。”

"I ran out of the door and tripped over Marie. Her head was buried in rubble but I knew it was her. I checked her for signs of life. There was none."

“我跑出门，绊倒在玛丽的身上。她的头部被埋在瓦砾中，但我知道就是她。我检查了一下她的生命体征。她死了。”

Shells were still falling. Conroy hid under a stairwell until Hassan was able to get to him and drag him and Bouvier to a car, which raced, under fire, to the field hospital. Dr Mohammed, a middle-aged physician who had given up a regular career to join the freedom movement, rushed to Conroy's side, recognising him from a previous visit.

炮弹还在不停地落下。康罗伊把自己藏在楼梯井中，直到Hassan找到他，并将他和布维耶拽上一辆车。这辆车冒着炮火开到了诊所。Mohammed是一位中年医生，他放弃自己的正规职业投身自由运动，他冲到康罗伊旁。由于以前访问过，他认出了康罗伊。

"Edith was put on a bed next to me. We were in shock. We held hands to give each other a bit of reassurance," he says. "She was in a lot of pain. All the time they were bringing in guys with shrapnel and gunshot wounds, every injury you can imagine. The operating table was a kitchen table with a piece of wood on top. Stitches were often done by torchlight and there was cement dust everywhere. My blood type - A-negative - is rare in Syria, so they took a pint of blood from a nurse to put into me."

康罗伊记得：“埃迪特就被放到我旁边的床上。我们都吓坏了，彼此握着手以求一点慰藉。她很痛苦。一直有受到弹片伤和枪伤的人被送来，你可以想象一下那些人的伤势。手术桌就是一张木制桌面的餐桌。缝合伤口经常是在手电光亮下完成的，那里到处都是水泥尘土。我的血型是阴性A型血，这在叙利亚很少见，他们从一个护士身上抽了一品脱血液，然后输给我。”

The hospital had only two beds, so as soon as they had been treated they were moved to a large, once-elegant house that Conroy reckons was about five streets from the front line.

诊所里只有两张床，因此伤者一旦接受完治疗就会被送到另一间大房子里，那里曾经相当漂亮。据康罗伊所知，那栋房子距前线大约只有隔着五条街。

The outside world did not know what had happened to them: Conroy had a satellite phone with a flat battery - which he couldn't use anyway as it might give away their position - and his mobile hadn't worked since he entered Syria. "Edith, William (her boyfriend), Wael and Javier (Espinosa, the Spanish journalist) were with me. I was on a mattress on one side of the room, Edith in the opposite corner. Wael was in a lot of pain. All they could do for his arm was put a sling on it.

外部世界不知道在那里的他们发生了什么：康罗伊有一个配电池的卫星电话，然而他不能随便使用，因为这会暴露他们的位置，同时他的手机自从一进入叙利亚就无法工作了。“埃迪特，（她的男友）威廉，Wael，西班牙记者贾维尔·埃斯皮诺萨和我在一起。在屋子里，我躺在一边的床垫上，埃迪特就在我的对角。Wael很难受。他们能给他的手臂所做的就只是打吊带。”

"Wael had been with us for a few weeks; he was 27, an ex-commando and a vegetarian. Now that's a novel concept in Syria! Wael had a heart of gold. Being Syrian, he could probably have got out straight away, but he refused point-blank to leave without us. He just refused to go. He wouldn't leave until we were safe."

“Wael已经跟我们在一起好几周了；他27岁，曾是一个突击队员，是个老兵。这在现在的叙利亚听起来很新奇！Wael心地善良，是当地人。他本来能直接逃走，但是他拒绝丢下我们。他就是不离开。除非我们获得安全，他是不会走的。”

The group was assigned two male nurses, Sala and Hera, who saw to their drips and antibiotics. "They were both volunteers. Hera had been a pharmacist. I never found out what Sala had done," Conroy says. "At that point, there were sandwiches and cups of tea, a surprising level of comfort. We got the full-on Syrian hospitality. We were aware we were a drain on resources but they insisted on giving us the best of everything they had."

在这里还配有两名男护士Sala和Hera，他们要负责为伤病者打点滴和抗生素。康罗伊说：“他们两个是志愿者。Hera曾是药剂师。我不知道Sala曾做过什么。在那种情况下，三明治和茶能起到安抚的奇效。我们感到了叙利亚人无微不至的好客。我们担心会浪费他们的物资，但是他们坚持给我们所能提供的一切需要。”

Conroy wasn't remotely worried about getting out. He and Colvin had been safely smuggled into the city three times by the FSA and its associates, along a well-used route by which food, medicines and ammunition were brought into Homs to supply the rebels every night: "I thought it was just a matter of speaking to the right people at the right time."

此时康罗伊还没有担心如何离开那里。他和科尔文通过自由叙利亚军及其同伴已经三次安全偷渡进入霍姆斯城。食物、药品和弹药每晚也通过这条通道运送给反对派战士。康罗伊说：“我想，这只是需要在正确的时间找对人就行了。”

The secret route - which can now be revealed, as the Syrian army has discovered it - was through a two-mile sewer tunnel that emerged in a field just outside the city. The activists ran a motorbike along it underground, ferrying supplies, volunteers and journalists in and the wounded out.

这条秘密通道现在已经暴露，被叙利亚政府军发现了。它是一条两英里长的下水道，正好延伸到市外。活动人士沿着这条地下通道运送补给，这也是志愿者、记者进入和伤员运出的通道。

"My worry was for Edith. The leg was bad. But I never thought it wouldn't happen (getting out); I just wondered how she would manage. But Edith was stoic. She coped really well. She'd been in Syria before. She wasn't naive. William was another story. He kept saying, 'We'll need psychologists for years after this. We'll have flashbacks, post-traumatic stress.' He was talking himself into being traumatised.

康罗伊说道：“我担心埃迪特。她的腿伤严重。不过我从不担心出去的问题。我只是想，她如何撑得住。不过埃迪特很坚强，应对自如。她以前在叙利亚待过，这对她不陌生。至于威廉，他总是说，‘此事过后，我们需要看好几年心理医生。我们将来总会想这些事，会有创伤后精神紧张性障碍的。’他说自己的创伤正在加深。”

"In that sort of situation you have to keep a tight grip on yourself and not let your thoughts run away. It's too easy to go down that path, especially if you're stuck for a long time. Humour's my way of coping. I tried to make the others laugh and in doing so to make myself laugh.

“在这种情况下，你必须控制住自己，不能乱想。这说起来容易，做起来难。特别是长时间受困的时候。幽默是我的应对之道。我尽力让其他人笑起来，也让自己笑出来。”

"Obviously we were in a bad situation. We were always aware of the shelling. We knew we were in the line of fire. But you have to accept that there's nothing you can do. You're reliant on these guys (the FSA), and in all my dealings with them they had proved trustworthy. You can't let yourself get anxious about not being able to do anything."

“显然这里处境糟糕。我们一直担心炮击。我们清楚自己正在火线上。不过，你不得不接受自己无能为力的事实。你正依靠着那些哥们儿（自由叙利亚军）。通过与他们的所有交往，他们值得信赖的。你不能让自己太紧张，那于事无补。”

That night, he says, he was pretty content: "We'd been told we were in a relatively safe structure and we were getting the best medical care these guys could give, so there was not too much anxiety; more a sense of relief.

康罗伊讲在那天晚上，他做起了工作：“有人告诉我们，这里相对安全，我们正接受这些哥们儿所能提供的最好医治，所以不用太紧张，放松一点。”

"There was a bit of space to think about Marie and Remi. Losing her was a big jolt. I loved her get-up-and-go. At first I said I wouldn't leave without her, but that was never a realistic proposition. (The Syrian government has since allowed Colvin's and Ochlik's bodies to be repatriated, and last night they had arrived in Paris.) In a way I still can't believe it's over. I could see us working together for years and years."

“要考虑一下玛丽和雷米的事情。她走了，这震动太大了。我喜欢她的魄力。首先我认为，不能丢下她；但是这不现实。（叙利亚当局已经交还了科尔文和奥奇力克的遗体，昨晚法国记者抵达了巴黎。）我仍然难以相信是这么个结局。我本希望我们还能继续共事。”

Conroy lay on his mattress, thinking about Colvin, as night fell. His shirt had survived the blast but his trousers had been cut away to get to his wounds. Someone at the clinic had given him a pair of tracksuit bottoms. He had no shoes or socks: "The shelling petered out and we dozed off, enjoying the fact we were not under direct fire."

当夜幕降临，康罗伊躺在床垫上，想着科尔文的事情。他的衬衣在爆炸中幸存，而他的裤子因找伤口被剪了。诊所的人给了他一对运动服裤腿。他也没有鞋子或袜子：“炮击逐渐停息，我们开始打盹，庆幸自己没有被直接击中。”

Next morning they were woken by shelling at 6.30am. It was particularly savage. The Syrians had adopted a tactic Conroy recognised as "bracketing", firing shells from two directions at an area, closing in a little each time so nowhere remains unscathed.

转天早晨六点半，炮击把他们叫醒了。当时的轰炸相当猛烈。康罗伊知道叙利亚军采取的战法，这是“夹叉射击”，从两个方向向一个地区射击，每次夹叉缩小一点，这样没有地方可以幸存。

Espinosa and Daniels risked a trip to the media centre, where the internet connection was, miraculously, still working, to send messages to family and colleagues. A video of Conroy explaining his predicament and pleading for help, taken by Dr Mohammed at the clinic, also started circulating.

埃斯皮诺萨和丹尼尔斯冒险前往有互联网的媒体中心。很幸运，互联网还有，他们向家人和同事发出了讯息。Mohammed医生在诊所为康罗伊拍了视频，其中康罗伊描述了窘境，并请求帮助。这个视频也被发到网络上。

In London, news of Colvin's death and Conroy's injury set an urgent rescue and recovery mission into action. Ray Wells, picture editor at The Sunday Times, flew to Beirut to help co-ordinate the operation with Miles Amoore, a war reporter usually based in Afghanistan, who had worked with Conroy and Colvin in Libya.

在伦敦，科尔文殉职和康罗伊受伤的消息为紧急救援行动拉开了大幕。《星期日泰晤士报》的图片编辑Ray Wells飞到贝鲁特，与战地记者Miles Amoore协助协调这次行动。Miles Amoore经常在阿富汗，并曾与康罗伊和科尔文一起工作过。

Espinosa's girlfriend and local members of the international campaigning group Avaaz had already set up a centre of operations in a room at the Commodore hotel. Wells and Amoore joined them, contacting anyone who might be able to help.

埃斯皮诺萨的女友和国际活动组织Avaaz的当地成员已经在康莫德宾馆建立了行动中心。Wells和Amoore加入了他们的队伍，与任何能提供援助的人取得联系。

Security was at a premium. If the Syrian government discovered where Conroy and his companions were, they could be arrested or killed. The hotel room was regularly swept for listening devices. They had to sift though information coming in from the Avaaz network, rebels, FSA, activists inside Baba Amr passing on information by satphone and speculation from other members of the media. All the time, there was the fear that Conroy and the others might be captured.

安全性相当重要。如果叙利亚当局发现康罗伊他们的藏身处，他们可能被逮捕或杀害。在宾馆房间要定期搜查是否有窃听器。在巴巴阿姆鲁区的Avaaz情报关系、反对派、自由叙利亚军和活动人士通过卫星电话传来信息，其他媒体成员也有一些推断，这些他们都必须仔细筛查。他们一直担心康罗伊他们被捕。

Hala Jaber, another Sunday Times correspondent, had flown to Damascus to try to negotiate a safe passage for the wounded journalists. To the astonishment of diplomats, she helped to persuade the usually intransigent Syrian government to call a temporary ceasefire and allow Syrian Red Crescent ambulances to enter Baba Amr to pick them up. Was this the lifeline that would save them?

另一位《星期天泰晤士报》记者Hala Jaber飞往大马士革，试图通过协商为受伤记者开辟一条安全通道。让外交官们大跌眼镜的是，在她的协助下，通常不妥协的叙利亚当局临时停火，允许叙利亚红新月会的救护车进入巴巴阿姆鲁区接出被困记者。这条救命索能救出被困记者吗？

Conroy was feeling uneasy as Friday, February 24, dawned. Two long days had passed since Colvin's death and, although members of the FSA came and went, assuring him that they would be transported out safely, there was no sign of action.

2月24日周五破晓，康罗伊感到不安。自科尔文殉职后，漫长的两天过去了，尽管自由叙利亚军的成员来来往往，向他保证受困记者能安全送出，却没有行动的迹象。

He now knew the bad news that his friends in the FSA had not been able to face telling him just after he was injured: the escape tunnel had been hit by shelling and part of the structure had caved in, blocking the way.

这时他知道，就在他受伤后，他在叙利亚自由军的朋友没有直接告诉他那个坏消息：逃跑坑道遭到炮击，部分建筑结构塌方，通路已经被堵住。

His artillery-trained ear detected that the pattern of fire was changing again. "There was tank fire, which is what you get if they're trying to move infantry about. That meant a coming ground assault. Tank fire's worse than mortars because tank shells are bigger and you don't hear the launch; you only get the impact. There's no warning. From time to time I could hear small arms fire. That meant they were getting close. Every so often you'd hear the whine of a drone up above, which sounds like a mosquito.

康罗伊当过炮兵的耳朵发现炮击的方式又变了。他说：“这次是坦克炮，如果他们打算派步兵上，就会这样。这说明地面进攻就快来了。坦克炮火力比迫击炮更厉害，坦克炮弹更大，你听不见发射声；你只能感到它的威力。那个什么预警。我不时能听到轻武器交火。那说明他们更近了。偶尔你能听到天上有无人机的声音，那就像一只蚊子。”

"We stopped being able to talk much to each other. We did a lot of pretending to be asleep - or really being asleep for the others. I envied them - I couldn't sleep. My way of passing the time was to listen and try to get a picture of the battleground in my mind. Time slips by slowly. You have to get out of the habit of looking at your watch. It can be depressing to know you've got 10 more hours of the day to pass."

“我们不再交谈。大家假装睡觉，或是为了其他人真睡。我妒嫉他们，我睡不着。我打发时间的方法就是通过耳朵在脑海中想象战场情况。时间过得很慢。你必须改掉看手表的习惯。要打发十几个小时，那会让人感觉很压抑。”

Mid-morning, the Syrian Red Crescent ambulances arrived. The air was already thick with suspicion. The FSA feared the ambulances were a Trojan horse, carrying Syrian soldiers, or fitted with tracking equipment that would guide troops in for an attack once the journalists were out.

到了早晨，叙利亚红新月会的救护车到了。这里又笼罩了一层狐疑的气氛。自由叙利亚军担心这个救护车是玩特洛伊木马的把戏，这些车里可能是叙利亚政府军；或是装有跟踪装置，这样记者一旦离开，跟踪装置就可以引导政府军发动进攻。

The journalists were also concerned. Their fears seemed justified when one of those who had travelled in said quietly that there were orders to hand them over to the security service so they could be questioned about having entered the country illegally. "We knew the government had a reputation for making people disappear. We thought that if we went with them we wouldn't be heard of again," Conroy says.

记者们也很担心。他们的担心似乎得到了证实，其中一位来者轻声说，有命令让把这些记者交给安全部门，他们会被盘问如何非法进入叙利亚的问题。康罗伊说：“我们清楚，叙利亚当局让人玩失踪已经名声在外了。我们想，如果跟救护车走，别人也许就听不到我们的消息了。”

He, Bouvier - who works for Le Figaro - Daniels and Espinosa, of the Spanish newspaper El Mundo, debated at length. Their minds were made up by a conversation with a Red Crescent worker known and trusted by the FSA. "He said he had heard that the plan was to take us out, shoot us along the way and then claim we'd been ambushed by the FSA.

康罗伊、布维耶（《费加罗报》记者）、丹尼尔斯和埃斯皮诺萨（西班牙报纸《El Mundo》）仔细进行了讨论。一位自由叙利亚军熟识信任的红新月会成员与他们进行了交谈，这让记者们下定了决心。康罗伊记得：“他说，他听到了计划，计划是带我们出去后，接着在途中杀了我们，然后宣布是遭到了自由叙利亚军的伏击。”

"The guy was right next to me as his words were translated. It was a bolt from the blue. All of a sudden, from feeling we were in a safe haven, it was as if there was a death squad in the room."

“他就在我旁边说的这些，然后有人翻译给我。这真是意外。刚才我们还感觉处在安全地带，突然发现这里杀机四伏。”

This time, there was little discussion. The journalists refused to get in the ambulances, which eventually left. Despite the mistrust, it was difficult to watch them drive away, especially as there was no plan B: "After they'd gone we all looked at each other and thought, 'Did we f. . . up there?' We couldn't be sure we were doing the right thing."

这次不用废话了。记者们拒绝搭乘那些救护车，最终那些车离开了。尽管心中对救护车不信任，但是当看到它们离开时，心中还是不好受，特别是在这个没有备用计划的时候。“那些车走后，我们面面相觑，心里在盘算，‘我们就要折在这里了？’我们不清楚是否做出了正确的选择。”

Not knowing the situation and unable to communicate, colleagues in London, Paris, Madrid, Beirut and Damascus were baffled and exasperated by the decision to refuse what seemed an obvious way out. Efforts to negotiate a ceasefire long enough for the journalists to escape or have them smuggled out in some way were redoubled.

因为无法了解状况，也无法取得联系，他们在伦敦、巴黎、马德里、贝鲁特和大马士革的同事对他们决定拒绝这次显而易见的撤离行动表示不解和不满。接着进行停火斡旋让记者有足够时间得以逃脱，或是通过其他方式让他们偷渡而出，这些努力被进一步加码。

The next two days were a series of constantly raised and dashed hopes. The tunnel was being repaired. It was still impassable. They should get ready to move. No, they should stay put. They were lucky enough, at least, to have continued access to pain relief and antibiotics.

随后两天一系列希望涌现了出来。那条通道被修复了，又可以使用了。被困记者应该准备行动了。不，他们应该保持不动。他们至少可以有幸得到止痛药和抗生素了。

On Monday the confusion continued. "We'd given up hope for the day when all of a sudden one of the FSA guys rushes in and says, 'You're going. Be prepared to move tonight (Sunday).' Wael was smiling: he was convinced it was going to happen. I wasn't sure," Conroy says. "We'd been let down before and we'd been told only an hour earlier that the tunnel was still out of commission."

周一混乱还在继续。康罗伊回忆道：“那天我们不想离开的事情了，突然一个自由叙利亚军的哥们儿跑过来说，‘你们要出发了。准备就在今晚出发（周日）。’Wael笑了，他相信就要出发了。我可不敢确定。就在接到这个通知前一个小时，我们还失望地听说隧道无法用。”

But soon there was a real sense that something was about to happen. The nurses started wrapping extra padding around Bouvier's leg, getting her ready to travel. "I still had no shoes. I had to borrow a pair," Conroy says. "Around 8pm we heard vehicles drawing up outside. As the cars pulled up, a mortar fell. That was unusual at night but the army must have seen the movement or headlights."

不过，很快确实有了要发生什么的感觉。护士们开始往布维耶的腿上绑附加垫料，这样她就能行动了。康罗伊说：“我还是没有鞋子。我必须借一双。到了晚上八点，我们听到外面有车开过来了。车一停，一枚迫击炮弹就落下来了。这在晚上可不同寻常，政府军一定是看到有动静或是车前灯。”

There were four or five vehicles on the street and an extremely tense atmosphere. Conroy got the impression this was a last-ditch attempt to get everyone out before Baba Amr fell. "There was an urgency that was contagious," he says.

大街上停了四或五辆车，当时气氛凝重。康罗伊的印象是，这是巴巴阿姆鲁区陷落前，最后一次撤出人员了。他说：“这种紧迫性能传染的。”

"I hadn't left the building for five days. The first thing I noticed was that the street was gone. When I'd gone in, there had been houses all around us. Now, it was like Grozny (Chechnya): black stubs of trees; you couldn't see the pavement for rubble. I was put in the front of a pick-up. An FSA guy got in beside me. I didn't say much to Edith; just a thumbs-up and 'See you at the tunnel'. She was in another car. There was no sense that this was goodbye."

“我已经五天没有离开那栋建筑了。我首先注意到的就是这条街变样了。我们来时，周围还都是房子。现在这里就像是（车臣的）格罗兹尼：焦黑残存的树木，人行道已被瓦砾掩埋。我坐在一辆皮卡的前座。一位自由叙利亚军的哥们儿坐在我的旁边。我没有与布维耶多说什么，只是竖起大拇指，说‘坑道见’。她在另一辆车上。当时并没有离别的感觉。”

As the cars sped off, snipers opened up. The vehicles stopped twice en route to pick up more injured, including one man carrying a chest drain.

车队出发时，有狙击手开火。沿途中车队停了两次，这是为了运送更多的伤者，其中一位还带着胸腔导引管。

"Then we ran the gauntlet of open fields. It's pitch dark, you switch off the headlights and in my case close your eyes as you're driven very quickly and very painfully along these shell-damaged roads. It's very dark and silent; intense. There's the odd sniper but no one takes much notice. You get used to being shot at."

“接着我们开上一处危险的开阔地。四周伸手不见五指，还要关上车前灯。就我的感觉，好像闭上眼睛，车辆沿着遭到过炮击的公路飞奔，而车上的乘客难受得很。那里很黑很静，也很紧张。有个把狙击手出现，不过没人关心，因为已经习惯挨枪炮了。”

After about 20 minutes they reached the tunnel. As Conroy got out of the pick-up truck, the bandage around his leg started unravelling, trailing in the mud. "There are people milling everywhere - some familiar faces, others I don't recognise. Someone tries to stick it back; then one guy looks across and says, 'Get Paul in first. His bandage needs sorting and he can't walk: get him in the tunnel.' So that was my piece of luck, the bandage coming undone."

二十多分钟后，我们抵达了那处坑道。康罗伊下皮卡的时候，他腿上的绷带散落下来，拖在泥地里。他记得：“那些到处都是人，有些熟悉面孔，还有我不认识的。有人想帮我绑好；随后一个哥们儿瞧了一下说，‘保罗先走。他的绷带需要处理，他走不了路：让他下坑道。’因为绷带松了，这就是我的运气了。”

Luck? It was a 15ft vertical drop into the tunnel, down a metal ladder set into the wall. With one leg useless, Conroy could not get down unaided, so two FSA men looped a rope under his arms and lowered him down. At the bottom it was pitch dark and stank of exhaust fumes from the motorbike journeying to and fro. "A couple of guys were already down there and someone was just being taken, so I had to wait as the motorbike went and came back."

是运气吗？进入坑道要沿着墙上的金属梯子垂直向下15英尺。没有别人协助，拖着一条伤腿的康罗伊就甭想下去。到了底下一团漆黑，由于摩托车来回行驶，那里有一股难闻的废气味道。他回忆道：“十几个人已经下去了，有人刚上车，我不得不等那辆摩托车回来。”

He found a quiet corner and sat down. It was very hot. There was the odd flash of torchlight and clang of feet on metal as the next person made their way down. After a few minutes he could hear the bike puttering back. He scrambled to get on. A young FSA fighter called Hussein, who had been detailed to protect him, got on behind. "The tunnel is chest height on a man so on a motorbike they've perfected the art of riding with head bent forward. As a passenger, you bow your head against the rider's back and the person behind does the same with you. So you don't see where you're going - it's dark anyway - you can just feel the tension and the vibrations running through your body."

康罗伊找了一处清静角落坐下。那里很热。偶尔有手电筒的光亮，还可以听到其他人下来时，走过金属梯的声音。十几分钟后，他听到有摩托车回来了。他挣扎着站起来。负责保护他的年轻自由叙利亚军战士Hussein跟在后面。康罗伊说：“那个坑道的高度大约只到一个成人的胸部，那些摩托车驾驶者技艺高超，他们低着头前进。作为乘客，你要把头部靠在驾驶者的背上，你后面的人也要照此办理。你看不到要去哪里，那里什么也看不见，你只能感到紧张和颠簸传遍你的全身。”

They were not going much faster than walking pace. "I had mixed feelings. Euphoria, yes, that I'm getting out, and then a sense that this tunnel is vulnerable to being hit. I had a big fear of being trapped underground."

这些摩托车行驶的速度比步行快不了多少。康罗伊说：“那时感觉很复杂。有愉快兴奋，当然，我出来了，随后又感到这条坑道在遭到攻击时太脆弱了。我非常担心被困在地下。”

About halfway along the usable bit of tunnel they came across a man carrying a 10- year-old boy whose lower body had been shredded by a mortar blast. "You could see the bones in his legs. He was conscious, so he was put behind me, and Hussein ran behind the bike the rest of the way."

当沿着可用的坑道走了大约一半时，他们遇到个带着一个十岁男童的人，那男童的下半身被迫击炮炸得惨不目睹。康罗伊回忆道：“你可以看到他腿部那里露出的骨头。当时他还有意识，因此他被放到了我的后面，而我后面的Hussein则跟着摩托车走完了剩下的路程。”

After about a mile they came to the blockage where the tunnel had caved in. There was a hole just wide enough for a man to pull himself through to the other side. Conroy began hauling himself over the rough earth, strewn with chunks of concrete. The pain was excruciating. "I had to grope my way up a mud bank, trying to reach and pull on lumps of concrete. I was still deep underground. On the other side, two guys were waiting with a folding stretcher."

大约走了一英里，他们来到坑道曾经被堵的那处地方。那里有一个洞，洞口只够一个成人自己钻过去。康罗伊努力让自己钻了过去，身上沾满了混凝土。疼痛也让人难以忍受。他说：“我不得不在泥坡上尽力够着混凝土块摸索前进。我仍深处地下。另一边有两个人正拿着折叠担架等着。”

They carried him the remaining half a mile as the tunnel rose towards the surface. At the end there was no ladder; just a mud bank. "They had to shove me out through a hole; then I crawled into a mud pit. What felt like six pairs of hands dragged me up and then placed me on the ground with my head in the mud. They put their fingers to their lips to let me know to keep quiet and gestured that there was an army patrol about 100 yards away. They signalled to me to crawl into a field. A couple of other guys crawled alongside to help me."

剩下的半英里，康罗伊被人抬着从坑道来到了地面。那里没有梯子，只有一个泥坡。康罗伊记得：“他们不得不把我推过那个洞，接着我爬过一处泥坑。好像有十二只手把我拽了出去，然后放到地面上，我就躺在泥浆里。他们把手放在自己唇边，这是让我保持安静。他们还打手势说，一支政府军巡逻队就在大约100码开外。他们示意让我爬上一处田地。还有其他十几个人帮我爬过去。”

They reached a wall about 6ft high. He was manhandled over it and then helped to walk to a second wall, about 12ft high. "I don't know how they got me over," he says. "This time there was a group of guys waiting to catch me."

他们来到一处6英尺高的围墙。康罗伊被扔了过去后，他们接着来到了第二处围墙，这次高12英尺。康罗伊说：“我不清楚是怎么过去的。这次那边有人接着我。”

Several of them recognised Conroy and there were cries of "Abu Falafel!" (when they'd met a few weeks before, Conroy had eaten all their falafels). "There were lots of kisses and hugs. At that point we proceeded over fields and ditches till we arrived at a vehicle. We roared off in the dark and I was taken to a safe house. I walked in the door and shut it behind me, heaved a sigh of relief and sat down to wait for the others."

接应的人中有人认识康罗伊，有人喊着“阿布·香炸豆丸！（他们数周前相遇时，康罗伊吃光了他们的香炸豆丸）”康罗伊说：“然后就是许多亲吻和拥抱。我们穿过一些田地和沟渠，一直来到一辆车旁。我们在黑暗中潜行，我被带到一个藏身处。我走进房间，把门关上，放松地出了一口大气，坐下来等其他人。”

An hour passed; then two. Conroy was given a bowl of hot, tasty stew and coffee and tea. He knew his host, an anti-government sympathiser he'd met on a previous trip. He tried to relax: "I knew I wasn't out of Syria but I was already 1000 times safer than in Baba Amr."

一个小时过去了，两个小时过去了。康罗伊吃了一顿美味的热菜，品尝了咖啡和茶。上次访问时，他认识了这里的主人，这家主人同情反政府人士。康罗伊想放松下来：“我知道自己还没有离开叙利亚，但这里要比巴巴阿姆鲁区安全壹千倍。”

After about four hours there was a screech of brakes outside. Two men ran in and spoke urgently to his host in Arabic. He turned to Conroy with a sombre look and gave him a thumbs-down.

大约四个小时后，外面听见刹车的尖声。两个人跑了进来，用阿拉伯语与这家主人匆忙地说着什么。康罗伊看到这家主人转向自己，脸色难看，心中咯噔一下。

Moments later the men were back, pulling bodies in from the car. "One guy had a bullet lodged in his forehead. Another guy had been shot in the side, a third in the leg. They were conscious and groaning. There was blood everywhere.

不一会儿，这些人回来了，从车上搬下几个人。康罗伊说：“一个人额头中了一弹，另一个是侧面中弹，第三个人腿部中弹。他们还有意识，痛苦呻吟着。鲜血流得到处都是。”

His host said: "Paul, they've attacked the tunnel." "He told me a lot of people had been hurt. Edith and William had had to turn back and Javier had been shot," Conroy says. "He also told me Wael had been captured. From elation to despair. I felt completely helpless."

这家主人说：“保罗，他们攻击坑道了。”康罗伊回忆道：“他告诉我，许多人受伤了。埃迪特和威廉不得不转回去，贾维尔中枪了。他还告诉我Wael被俘了。从得意到失意，我感到完全无助。”

It is still not known whether the Syrian army spotted the convoy on its way to the tunnel or had somehow learnt of the plan to take people out that night. Some reports said as many as 13 people had been killed as the Syrian army closed in, scattering people above ground and firing down at those already in the tunnel.

现在还不清楚是因为叙利亚政府军盯上了前往坑道的车队，还是因为通过某种手段获知了那晚的逃脱计划。有人说，在叙利亚政府军的进攻中，有13人被杀，他们向地面上的人扫射，还向仍在地道中的人射击。

Conroy was told that though Espinosa had been injured, he too had got out alive. He asked if he might join the Spaniard but was told no: "If we were together, they only had to find us once. Alone, there was a chance that one of us would make it." (It later transpired that Espinosa - who had been reported dead by the Syrian state news agency - had not been hurt.)

从车队那里获得的消息是，埃斯皮诺萨虽然受伤，但是活着出去了。康罗伊问是否能与这位西班牙记者会合时，他得到的答案是不可能。康罗伊说：“如果我们要会合，他们就只能找一次。只有一次，我们成功只能靠碰一次运气。”（后来埃斯皮诺萨毫发无伤，而据叙利亚国家新闻社称，他已死亡。）

The injured photographer was still a long way from the border with Lebanon, where he would be safe, and in an area known for its support of the FSA. He had to keep moving. Over the next two days he was transported by car and motorbike from one safe house to another.

此时受伤摄影师康罗伊距离黎巴嫩边境还有很长一段路，那里有一处地方支持自由叙利亚军，到那里他才算安全。他还必须继续前进。在随后的两天中，他被用车和摩托车从一个藏身处运送到另一个藏身处。

At one he was given a lesson in how to use a Kalashnikov. "They insisted I know in case I needed to use it. I couldn't work out if that was reassuring or worrying." At another he was treated as a celebrity. What seemed like the whole village crowded into the living room where he had been hidden and silently stared at him. By this time he'd had no pain relief for 36 hours and told his hosts angrily that this was simply too much to cope with. Twenty minutes later a motorbike showed up. The boy driving it spoke no English so he had no idea where they were heading.

在其中一处，有人还教他如何使用AK47。康罗伊说：“他们坚称这是以防万一。我分不清这是让人安心，还是让人担心。”在另一处，他被当成了名人，似乎整个村庄的人都涌进他藏身的房间，静静地盯着他。那时康罗伊已经36个小时没用到止痛药了，他生气地告诉那家主人，这样做真是太过分了。二十分钟后，一辆摩托车出现了。驾车的男孩不会说英语，所以康罗伊也无法得知要去哪里。

"We rode for about 15 minutes. I could hear a few thumps and shots in the background, enough to keep the adrenaline up. I was a bit dazed and confused with the pain by then. When we drew up outside a house I got off and stumbled in the door. There were three guys sitting on the floor, watching TV. I said in Arabic, 'Where are we? Syria or Lebanon?'

“我们刚骑出去大约15分钟。后面就传来了枪炮声，肾上腺素一下子就上去了。那时我的头有一点晕，疼痛让我有点混乱。当我们停在一栋房子外，我就昏了过去，然后磕磕绊绊地进了门。那里有三个人席地看着电视。我用阿拉伯语问道，‘我们在哪里？叙利亚，还是黎巴嫩？’”

The three looked at one another and grinned. The answer was the one he'd been waiting to hear: "Lebanon!"

那三个人互相看了看，然后就笑了。那个答案就是我想听到的“黎巴嫩！”

It was "a huge relief" for Conroy to hear last Friday, as he lay in a London hospital, that Bouvier and Daniels, like Espinosa, had made it safely to Lebanon. On Saturday, they flew into Paris.

上周五，当躺在黎巴嫩医院的康罗伊听说，布维耶和丹尼尔斯与埃斯皮诺萨一样也安全抵达了黎巴嫩，他“如释重负”。周六，法国记者们飞回了巴黎。

Looking back, what he remembers most vividly is kindness. On reaching Beirut he was taken in by Tom Fletcher, the British ambassador, and his family, who "spoilt" him before as IfThe Sunday Timesaif flew him home in a private plane. "I'll always be grateful for their kindness," he says.

回顾以往，康罗伊记忆中最生动的就是善意。他抵达贝鲁特时，受到了英国大使Tom Fletcher和“宠爱他的”家人的欢迎，随后《星期天泰晤士报》用私人飞机送他回家。他说：“对于这些善意，我会永远感激。”

His memory of Baba Amr, too, is the warmth and hospitality he received from people in a desperate situation. "The FSA fighters would throw their arms around you and greet you like a long-lost brother," he says. Now, he fears many of the people who aided and protected him are captured or dead.

他对巴巴阿姆鲁区的回忆也是那些身处绝境中的人们所给他的温暖和殷勤好客。康罗伊说：“自由叙利亚军的战士们会像久违的兄弟一样，扔下武器欢迎你。”现在他担心许多帮助和保护过他的人要么被俘，要么被杀。

It was their ability to face that prospect with equanimity that gave them their strength, he believes. "It's a way of taking power away from a brutal regime. I saw the same thing in Libya. A government has power over you as long as you are afraid it will kill you. Once you accept your fate and come to believe that if you survive, it will be a bonus, you have the power to achieve extraordinary things."

康罗伊相信，那里的人沉稳面对那种境况的表现给了他们以力量。他说：“这是一条剥夺野蛮政府权力的道路。我在利比亚曾看到过。只要你害怕政府干掉你，那政府就有了欺压你的权力。一旦你接受命运，相信如果得以幸存，就会获得满足，那你就有了建立伟业的权力。”

The rebels in Syria are pledging to fight another day. If they do, would Conroy still want to be there? "Oh yes, I'd do it again tomorrow."

叙利亚的反对派发誓要战斗下去。如果他们坚持下去，康罗伊还想去那里吗？“哦，当然。我明天就想去。”

幸存被困记者：

英国记者保罗•康罗伊

法国女记者埃迪特•布维耶

法国记者威廉•丹尼尔斯

西班牙记者贾维尔•埃斯皮诺萨

殉职记者：

美国籍女记者玛丽•科尔文

法国摄影师雷米•奥奇力克

真的有55%的叙利亚人希望阿萨德留下吗？

来源：BBC 

英文网址：

http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/magazine-17155349

完成时间：2012-02-25，01:33 GMT（格林尼治标准时间）

作者：Charlotte McDonald（BBC）

翻译：@skipper79 http://weibo.com/u/2077625315?topnav=1&wvr=3.6 

An opinion poll was widely reported last month as evidence that 55% of Syrians think President Bashar al-Assad should not resign. But does the claim stand up to scrutiny?

上个月的一个民调称，有55%的叙利亚人认为总统巴沙尔·阿萨德不应该辞职，这一结果被广泛报道。不过，这个结果靠得住吗？ 

The world is watching Syria, where every day there are new scenes of horror as the violence between protesters and the regime's security forces continues.

国际社会正在注视着叙利亚，抗议者和当局安全部队的冲突还在继续，每天都有新的恐怖景象。

Against this backdrop, some commentators have picked up on a striking statistic - that 55% of Syrians want President Assad to stay in power.

针对此背景，一些评论人拿出了一个引人注意的统计结果，即有55%的叙利亚人希望阿萨德继续当权。

In a column in the UK's Guardian newspaper, the statistic was used to suggest that the Western media was mis-reporting the situation in Syria, suppressing "inconvenient facts" for the purposes of propaganda.

在英国《卫报》的一个专栏中，这个统计结果让人想起西方媒体对叙利亚情况进行误导报告，它们为了宣传目的掩盖了“引起不便的实情”。

The statistic has been reported widely elsewhere, from the New York Times, to Al Jazeera (in Arabic) Iranian owned Press TV, and Syrian news sites.

从《纽约时报》到半岛电视台（阿拉伯语），再到伊朗英语新闻电视台和叙利亚的新闻网站，这个统计结果在其他地方也被广为流传。

So what was this poll and who carried it out?

那么这一民调是怎样的呢？是谁进行这个调查的呢？

It was an internet survey of the Arab world by YouGov Siraj in December. It covered just more than 1,000 people in 18 countries in the Middle East and North Africa.

这次民调是调查机构YouGov Siraj在12月份进行的，是一次在阿拉伯世界的网上调查，受访者人数超过1,000人，他们来自中东、北非18个国家。

The central question was: "In your opinion should Syria's President Assad resign?"

其主要问题就是：“在你看来，阿萨德是否应该辞职？”

Across the whole region, the overall finding was that 81% of people polled thought President Assad should go.

纵观整个地区，民调结果显示81%的人希望阿萨德总统下台。

But the polling company also stated: "Respondents in Syria are more supportive of their president. 55% do not believe Assad should resign."

不过，该调查公司还声明：“来自叙利亚的受访者更加支持他们的总统，有55%的人认为阿萨德不应该辞职。”

Looking closely at the survey report, it does not say explicitly how many of the 1,000 people who responded were from Syria. But it does say that 211 were polled in the Levant region, 46% of whom were in Syria.

仔细看一看这个调查报告，它并没有说明在这1,000人中有多少受访者是来自叙利亚的。不过它表示，民调中有211人来自地中海东部地区，这其中的46%来自叙利亚。

Doing the sums, this suggests that only 97 people took part. When the BBC checked with YouGov Siraj for the exact breakdown, the company said that in fact there were 98 respondents from Syria (the difference arising from the fact that averages given in the survey report were rounded).

这样算一下的话，只有97名（来自叙利亚的）受访者。BBC向YouGov Siraj咨询了准确数字，该调查公司称，来自叙利亚的的受访者实际上有98人（计算得出的97人与实际的98人之间的差异是由于根据民调报告计算平均取整造成的）。

This is a very low sample according to the managing director of survey company ORB, Johnny Heald, who has been carrying out polls in the Middle East for many years.

调查公司ORB曾在中东进行过多年民调，其常务董事Johnny Heald认为，这个民调结果可靠性很低。

"When we poll and we want to find out what Libyans think, or what Syrians think, we would rarely do anything less than 1,000 interviews," he says.

他说：“我们进行民调是想找出利比亚人或叙利亚人的想法，我们极少进行低于1,000名受访者的民调。”

"One thousand is the generally accepted industry minimum to be able to speak confidently about what people from a particular country think about an issue.

“在这个业界，要可靠表明某一特定国家民众对一件事情的想法，一千人通常被看作最低底线。”

"If you say that this poll covers people from 18 countries, then that's fine. But you need to be very careful when you interpret the findings.

“如果你说这个民调涵盖18个国家的民众，那么也行，但是当解释这个结果的时候，你需要非常小心。”

"It is not good to say that 55% of Syrians, for example, think that Assad should stay when only 97 people were asked that question."

“认为55%的叙利亚人支持阿萨德应该留下，这是不对的，比如想一下，当时只有97名（来自叙利亚的）人被问到了这个问题。”

But he has another criticism - according to UN figures, only 18% of people in Syria have access to the internet, which means that the sample polled is biased towards those who can get online.

Johnny Heald还提出了其他异议，比如根据联合国的资料，只有18%的叙利亚人可以上网，那就意味着这个民调倾向于那些能够上网的人群。

The people who conducted the survey at YouGov Siraj, the Dubai-based arm of a UK polling company, say the poll was not intended to be representative of all Syrians.

YouGov Siraj是一家英国调查公司在迪拜开设的部门，进行这次民调的人员称，该调查不代表所有叙利亚人。

They too say the sample was too low for this and that internet penetration in the country is not good enough.

有鉴于此和叙利亚互联网并不普及，他们也表示，调查结果的可靠性不高。

This is why they referred to "respondents from Syria" rather than referring to "Syrians", they say.

他们称，这就是为什么民调所提到的是“来自叙利亚的受访者”，而不是“叙利亚人”。

However, the Doha Debates TV programme, which commissioned the poll and published its findings, were not as sensitive to the distinction.

不过，委托这次民调的多哈电视辩论节目还是公布了其中的调查结果，它对这其中的差别并不敏感。

The figure is described on its site as: "Syrians are more supportive of their president with 55% not wanting him to resign."

在其网站上该调查结果被形容为：“55%的叙利亚人支持他们的总统，不希望他辞职。”

In a statement, the pollsters at YouGov Siraj said that with hindsight they wish they had been clearer: "To the layman, there seems very little difference between the two expressions but for researchers, the difference is huge.

对于这一声明，YouGov Siraj民意分析人员后见之明地表示，他们已经表明了态度，他们认为：“对于这个业界以外的人，两种表述之间的差异微乎其微，但是对于研究者，这一差异很大。”

"I think we should have stressed the difference much more to our client (or simply not shown the Syria data, as there was always a chance it might be misinterpreted)."

“我想，我们更应该向我们的委托人强调这一差异（或是不能简单地给出这个叙利亚民调结果，因为它被误读的可能性非常大。）”

When we asked the organisers of the Doha Debates about the statistic, they insisted that despite the small sample size, the result was "of interest".

我们向多哈电视辩论节目就这一民调进行了询问，他们坚称，尽管这一调查规模小，但是结果“让人感兴趣”。

They say the figures and polling data are freely available for people to draw their own conclusions.

他们表示，结果和民调资料来自随机人员和那些人自己的结论。

Is it OK to put out a figure based on such a low sample?

那么公布这个低可靠性的民调结果好吗？

Johnny Heald thinks it is acceptable for pollsters to pull out data from a broader poll, because often it is interesting.

Johnny Heald认为，对于从一个广泛民调中获取资料的民意分析人员来说，这是可以接受的，因为这经常让人感兴趣。

But he says: "What you should always do is say: 'Caution - this is a low base size.'

不过他说：“你应该不断说明‘小心——这个调查可靠性低。’”

"The problem comes when people interpret it to be representative of a country.

“当有人用这个结果来解释那个国家时，问题就上门了。”

"And I think in defence of YouGov, they don't claim the poll is nationally representative of what Syrians think.

“同时我想为调查公司YouGov说句话，他们没有宣称这一民调结果代表了叙利亚全国民众的想法。”

"They have just pulled out the Syrian numbers and because it is an interesting story and somewhat controversial, I think the journalists jumped on it and ran with it, without thinking about the science behind how they came to that figure."

“他们只是提出了来自叙利亚受访者的人数，因为这个事情让人感兴趣，还有这么一点儿争议。我认为，那些报道引用这个民调数字的记者们并没有考虑如何得出这一结果的相关知识。”

President Bashar al-Assad has called a referendum on a new constitution this weekend

本周末，总统巴沙尔·阿萨德呼吁进行新宪法的公投。 

(Mis)interpreting data

信息的解读和误读

• More than 1,000 people from 18 countries in the Middle East responded to YouGov Siraj's internet poll question: "In your opinion, should Syria's President Assad resign?"

调查机构YouGov Siraj进行网上调查，问题是“在你看来，阿萨德是否应该辞职？”，受访者遍布中东地区18个国家，人数超过1,000人。

• 81% of answered Yes

81%的受访者表示他应该下台。

• 55% of respondents in Syria said they thought the president should stay

55%的来自叙利亚的受访者表示，他们认为总统应该留下。

BUT

然而

• Only 98 respondents were actually from Syria

来自叙利亚受访者的人数只有98人。

• Only 18% of people in Syria have access to the internet

叙利亚只有18%的人可以上网。 

Source: YouGov Siraj internet survey

调查公司YouGov Siraj的网上调查报告

http://clients.squareeye.net/uploads/doha/polling/YouGovSirajDoha Debates- President Assad report.pdf

子承父“業”

来源：纽约时报 

英文网址：

http://www.nytimes.com/2012/02/15/opinion/friedman-like-father-like-son.html?_r=1&ref=syria

By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN

作者：托马斯·弗里德曼

完成时间：2012-02-14

翻译：@skipper79 http://weibo.com/u/2077625315?topnav=1&wvr=3.6 

Thomas L. Friedman （Josh Haner/The New York Times） 

Watching the Syrian Army pummel the Syrian town of Homs to put down the rebellion there against the regime of President Bashar al-Assad is the remake of a really bad movie that starred Bashar’s father, Hafez, exactly 30 years ago this month. I know. I saw the original.

为了镇压反抗巴沙尔·阿萨德政权的起义，叙利亚政府军猛攻霍姆斯城。现总统的父亲哈菲兹曾经主演过这样一部灾难片，而现在的景象就像是那部的翻拍片。我这么说是因为我曾看过原作。

It was April 1982 and I had just arrived in Beirut as a reporter for The New York Times. I quickly heard terrifying stories about an uprising that had happened in February in the Syrian town of Hama, led by the Syrian Muslim Brotherhood. Word had it (there were no Internet or cellphones) that then-President Hafez al-Assad had quashed the rebellion by shelling whole Hama neighborhoods, then dynamiting buildings, some with residents still inside. That May, I got a visa to Syria, just as Hama had been reopened. The Syrian regime was “encouraging” Syrians to drive through the broken town and reflect on its meaning. So I just hired a cab and went.

那是在1982年四月，我作为《纽约时报》记者刚刚抵达贝鲁特。当年二月份，叙利亚穆斯林兄弟会在哈马城领导了一次起义，很快一些恐怖的消息传到了我的耳中。这些消息（当时还没有互联网或手机）是，为了镇压反抗者，当时的总统哈菲兹·阿萨德先是炮轰整个哈马城，接着对建筑物实施爆破摧毁，而一些房屋中仍有居民。到了五月份，我得到了去叙利亚的签证，正赶上哈马城重新开放。叙利亚当局“鼓励”叙利亚人开车穿过这个被毁的城镇，让人们自省这样做的内涵。因此我就雇了一辆出租车，飞奔而去。

It was stunning. Whole swaths of buildings had, indeed, been destroyed and then professionally steamrolled into parking lots the size of football fields. If you kicked the ground, you’d come up with scraps of clothing, a tattered book, a shoe. Amnesty International estimated that as many as 20,000 people were killed there. I had never seen brutality at that scale, and, in a book I wrote later, I gave it a name: “Hama Rules.”

那里的景象令人震惊。大片的房屋已经被完全摧毁，随后这些地方被精心碾成了一个个足球场大小的停车场。如果你踢一踢地面，你可能会发现衣服的碎片，或是一本破烂的图书，再或是一只鞋子。大赦国际的评估结果是有两万人在那里被杀。我以前从未看到过如此规模的暴行，在我以后写的书中，我给这种暴行起了一个名字：“哈马规则”。 

Hama Rules are no rules at all. You do whatever it takes to stay in power and you don’t just defeat your foes. You bomb them in their homes and then you steamroll them so that their children and their children’s children will never forget and never even dream of challenging you again.

哈马规则就是完全没有规则。为了保住权力，你可以无所不为，这可不只是击败你的敌手而已。你会轰炸他们的房子，随后将那里碾成齑粉，这样他们的孩子，他们孩子的孩子将会永远记住这一切，再也不会妄想向你挑战。

Well, 30 years later, the children of those Syrian children have forgotten. They’ve lost their fear. This time around, though, it is not just the Muslim Brotherhood rebelling in one town. Now it is youths from all over Syria. Navtej Dhillon and Tarik Yousef, the editors of “Generation in Waiting: The Unfulfilled Promise of Young People in the Middle East,” note that more than 100 million individuals between the ages of 15 and 29 live in the Middle East, up from less than 67 million in 1990, and much of what their governments have promised them by way of jobs, marriage opportunities, apartments and a voice in their own future have not materialized. This is what sparked all these volcanic uprisings.

好吧，三十年过去了，那些叙利亚人孩子的孩子已经忘了。他们不再恐惧。不过，这次不再仅是穆斯林兄弟会在一个城市中起义。如今采取行动的人是遍布叙利亚的年轻人。《等待中的一代：中东青年未被满足的期望（注：译者直译）》一书的编者Navtej Dhillon和Tarik Yousef记录到，在中东15到29岁年轻人的人数超过了一亿人，而追溯到1990年这一数字要低于6700万。中东地区的多个政府曾对工作、婚嫁、住房，以及青年人自己未来的发言权做出过承诺，但都没有兑现。这正是引发所有起义猛烈喷涌的原因。

But Syria is not Norway. The quest for democracy is not the only drama playing out there. Syria is also a highly tribalized and sectarian-divided country. Its Shiite-leaning Alawite minority — led by the Assads and comprising 12 percent of the population — dominates the government, army and security services. Sunni-Muslim Syrian Arabs are 75 percent, Christians 10 percent and Druze, Kurds and others make up the rest. While Syria’s uprising started as a nonsectarian, nonviolent expression of the desire by young Syrians to be treated as citizens, when Assad responded with Hama Rules it triggered a violent response. This has brought out the sectarian fears on all sides. Now it is hard to tell where the democratic aspirations of the rebellion stop and the sectarian aspirations — the raw desire by Syria’s Sunni majority to oust the Alawite minority — begin.

不过叙利亚不是挪威。民主诉求并不是唯一上演的剧目。叙利亚仍是一个高度部落化、宗派分裂严重的国家。阿萨德家族领导的什叶派分支阿拉维派是少数民族，占总人口的12%，而他们主掌着政府、军队和安全部门。叙利亚逊尼派占总人口的75%，基督徒占10%，其余人口由德鲁兹、库尔德等其他民族构成。在叙利亚起义伊始，叙利亚年轻人所表达的意愿没有宗派和暴力元素，他们是想获得公民待遇；而阿萨德用哈马规则进行了回应，这就扣响了暴力的扳机。这已经使各个方面对宗派问题表示忧虑。现在很难说清起义的民主愿望是在哪里嘎然而止，而宗派抱负（即叙利亚逊尼派多数民族天然希望推翻阿拉维派少数民族）是在何时开始的。

As a result, most Alawites are rallying to Assad, as are some Sunnis who have benefitted from his regime, particularly in Aleppo and Damascus, the capital. These pro-regime Alawites and Sunnis see the chaos and soccer riots in Egypt and say to themselves: “Assad or chaos? We’ll take Assad.” What to do? Ideally we’d like a peaceful transition from Assad’s one-man rule to more pluralistic consensual politics. We do not want a civil war in Syria, which could destabilize the whole region. Remember: Egypt implodes, Libya implodes, Tunisia implodes. ... Syria explodes.

有鉴于此，大多数阿拉维派仍旧支持阿萨德，同时一些能从这个政权获益的逊尼派，特别是那些在阿勒颇和首都大马士革的，也会支持阿萨德。这些支持当局的阿拉维派和逊尼派民众看到混乱和埃及的足球暴力，他们会自问：“是要阿萨德，还是要混乱？我们会选择阿萨德。”这能怎么办呢？理论上，我们希望能从阿萨德独裁统治过渡到一个更能让多元接受的政治格局。我们不希望叙利亚爆发内战，这将会使整个地区失稳。要知道：埃及是内爆，利比亚是内爆，突尼斯是内爆……而叙利亚的爆炸冲击波则是向外的。

I don’t know what is sufficient to persuade Assad to cede power to a national unity government, but I know what is necessary: He has to lose the two most important props holding up his regime. One is the support of China, Iran and Russia. There, the U.N., the European Union and Arab and Muslim countries need to keep calling out Moscow, Beijing and Iran for supporting Assad’s mass killing of unarmed civilians. China, Iran and Russia don’t care about U.S. condemnation, but they might care about the rest of the world’s.

我不清楚如何劝阿萨德将权力交给一个统一的联合政府，但我知道需要做什么：阿萨德当局有两个最重要的支柱，这必须给予去除。其中一个就是中国、伊朗和俄罗斯的支持。在联合国，欧盟和阿拉伯穆斯林国家要不断呼吁莫斯科、北京和伊朗停止支持屠杀手无寸铁平民的阿萨德当局。中国、伊朗和俄罗斯不会在意美国的谴责，但是他们也许会担心其他国家的反应。

The other prop, though, can only be removed by Syrians. The still-fractious Syrian opposition has to find a way to unify itself and also reach out to the Alawites, as well as Syria’s Christian and Sunni merchants, and guarantee that their interests will be secure in a new Syria so they give up on Assad. Without that, nothing good will come of any of this. The more the Syrian opposition demonstrates to itself, to all Syrians and to the world that it is about creating a pluralistic Syria — where everyone is treated as an equal citizen — the weaker Assad will be and the more likely that a post-Assad Syria will have chance at stability and decency. The more the Syrian opposition remains fractured, the stronger Assad will be, the more some Syrians will cling to him out of fear of chaos and the more he will get away with Hama Rules.

另一个重要支柱只能靠叙利亚人自己了。叙利亚反对派内部仍然派系林立，他们必须找到整合自己的方法，同时还要与阿拉维派、基督徒和逊尼派商人取得联系，保证他们在新叙利亚的利益，这样他们才会放弃阿萨德。没有以上这些，一切都是空谈。叙利亚反对派要更加向所有叙利亚人和国际社会展示自己，表示自己是要建立一个多元的叙利亚，在那里所有人都是平等的公民。如此一来，阿萨德当局就会不断削弱下去，后阿萨德时代叙利亚的稳定和公平就越有可能得到保证。叙利亚反对派保持分裂状态的时间越长，那阿萨德当局就会变得越强大，而更多的叙利亚人出于对混乱的恐惧就会依附于阿萨德，阿萨德本人则更可能依靠哈马规则逃出升天。 

A version of this op-ed appeared in print on February 15, 2012, on page A25 of the New York edition with the headline: Like Father, Like Son..

本专栏刊印于2012年2月15日，A25版，题目《Like Father, Like Son》。

（媒介转载或者编译，请注明出处和译者）

最后的报道：Colvin在叙利亚描述死亡

来源：美联社

英文网址：

http://www.times-standard.com/ci_20019640

完成时间：2012-02-22，10:49:50（太平洋标准时间）

翻译：@skipper79 http://weibo.com/u/2077625315?topnav=1&wvr=3.6 

LONDON—This is the text of American war reporter Marie Colvin's final interview, given to BBC television from the Syrian city of Homs the night before she was killed Wednesday. She was staying in a house in the neighborhood of Baba Amr. Reprinted with the permission of the BBC.

周三美国战地记者Marie Colvin被杀殉职，这是她殉职前一夜从叙利亚霍姆斯城向BBC电视台发来的最后报道。当时她正待在Baba Amr区的一栋建筑中。本文发布已获得BBC允许。

Marie Colvin: It's absolutely sickening. Just today shelling started at 6:30 in the morning. I counted 14 shells hitting this civilian area of Baba Amr within 30 seconds. There's a small clinic, you can't really call it a clinic. It's an apartment that has been turned into a clinic. You have plasma bags hanging from coathangers.

Marie Colvin：这简直糟糕透了。今天的炮击从早上六点半就开始了。我数了一下，在30秒中有14发炮弹落在Baba Amr的这个居民区。这里有个小诊所，都没法说它是诊所，就是一个房间被改作诊所。血袋就挂在衣架上。

There was just a constant stream of civilians. I watched a little baby die today. Absolutely horrific. A two-year-old had been hit, they stripped it and found the shrapnel had gone into the left chest. The doctor just said, 'I can't do anything.' His little tummy just kept heaving until he died. That is happening over and over and over.

这里人流不断。今天我看到一个小婴儿死去了。太可怕了。这个婴儿才两岁，脱下他的衣服后，看到弹片击中他的左胸。医生只是说：“我什么也做不了。”直到死去，他的小肚子还在起伏着。这样的事情不断、不断、不断地发生着。

No one here can understand how the international community can let this happen, particularly when we have an example of Srebrenica—shelling of a city, lots of investigations by the United Nations after that massacre, lots of vows to never let it happen again. There are 28,000 people in Baba Amr, in homes as I am, besieged. They are here because they can't get out. The Syrians will not let them out, and are shelling all the civilian areas.

没人清楚国际社会为什么让这种事情发生，特别是我们已经见识过斯雷布雷尼察的例子，那里城市遭炮轰，大屠杀后联合国做了很多调查研究，许多人发誓再也不让这种事情发生。在Baba Amr区有28,000人被围，就像我一样待在屋子里。他们待在这里是因为出不去。叙利亚（政府军）不让他们出去，并正在炮轰所有居民区。

Obviously there is Free Syrian Army here, they are very lightly armed.

显然自由叙利亚军在这里，他们武器简陋。

Kalashnikovs, and I've seen a few RPGs. They are essentially playing a defensive role. In fact people are terrified they will leave. There's just shells, rockets and tank fire pouring into civilian areas of this city, and it's just unrelenting.

有AK47，我还看到过RPG。他们基本处于守势。实际上这里的人怕得要死。炮弹、火箭、坦克炮对着这个城市的居民区不断猛炸。

BBC: Is it your sense this is in effect a 'scorched earth' policy on the part of the regime?

BBC：你认为这种情况实际上是当局的“焦土”政策吗？

Marie Colvin: I don't see what else it can be. There are no Free Syrian Army targets. They are scurrying from building to building. They control to a certain degree the perimeter. Today there was a foray by the Syrian Army, about seven tanks, about 30 foot soldiers. They did manage to keep them out, at huge cost.

Marie Colvin：我想不出还有别的解释。看不到自由叙利亚军。他们从一栋建筑转移到另一栋建筑，控制着一定地区。今天叙利亚政府军进行了一次突袭，派出的兵力是7辆坦克，还有约30名步兵。自由叙利亚军设法将他们赶了出去，但代价高昂。

But mostly what's happening is just shells, rockets coming in, just hitting any building. The top floor of the building I'm in was hit last week. The building next to me was just completely obliterated. All the streets I've been on, I have not seen one military target. There simply aren't any. And the wounded and dead I have seen, I would say, are about 80 percent civilians and of course Free Syrian Army fighters. It is shelling with impunity and merciless disregard for the civilians, who simply cannot escape.

不过这里大多数时候就是炮弹、火箭轰炸，任意一栋建筑被击中。上周我待的这栋房屋顶层就被击中过，而旁边的一栋已经完全成了废墟。在所有去过的大街，我没有发现任何军事目标。就是什么也没有。我已经看到的伤者和死者，我要说，大约80%是平民，当然也有自由叙利亚军战士。这种不受惩罚的炮击对平民毫无怜悯，平民连逃跑都不行。

(欢迎媒介转载、编译，请注明出处和译者）

议程项目 34

预防武装冲突

   安道尔、澳大利亚、巴林、科摩罗、克罗地亚、丹麦、埃及、芬兰、法国、希腊、匈牙利、约旦、科威特、利比亚、黑山、摩洛哥、挪威、阿曼、巴拿马、卡塔尔、大韩民国、沙特阿拉伯、索马里、突尼斯、土耳其、阿拉伯联合酋长国、大不列颠及北爱尔兰联合王国、美利坚合众国：决议草案

   阿拉伯叙利亚共和国局势

  大会， 回顾其 2011 年 12 月 19 日第 66/176 号决议，以及人权理事会 2011 年 4 月29 日S-16/1 号决议、  2011 年 8 月 23 日S-17/1 号决议  和 2011 年 12 月 2 日S-18/1 号决议， 

  深切关注阿拉伯叙利亚共和国局势的恶化，特别是深切关注叙利亚当局当前侵犯人权和对该国人民使用暴力这一情况，

  重申区域和次区域组织根据《联合国宪章》第八章规定在维护国际和平与安全方面的作用，

  又重申大会坚决致力于维护阿拉伯叙利亚共和国的主权、独立、统一和领土完整，并坚决致力于遵守《宪章》各项原则，

  还重申联合国所有会员国在其国际关系上应避免以武力相威胁或使用武力，或以与联合国宗旨不符之任何其他方法，侵害任何国家的领土完整或政治独立，  欢迎秘书长的介入和所有旨在化解这一危机的外交努力，

 1.  重申大会坚决致力于维护阿拉伯叙利亚共和国的主权、独立、统一和领土完整，并强调务必以和平方式解决阿拉伯叙利亚共和国当前的政治危机；

 2.  强烈谴责叙利亚当局继续大规模蓄意侵犯人权和基本自由，如对平民使用武力，任意处决，杀害和迫害抗议者、人权捍卫者和记者，任意拘留，强迫失踪，阻碍获取医疗救治，实施酷刑，实施性暴力和虐待，包括对儿童实施此类行径；

 3.  促请阿拉伯叙利亚共和国政府立即停止一切侵犯人权的行为，停止袭击平民，保护其民众，全面遵守根据适用的国际法承担的各项义务，并全面执行人权理事会 S-16/1、S-17/1 和 S-18/1 号决议以及大会第 66/176 号决议，包括与国际独立调查委员会充分合作；

 4.  谴责一切暴力行为，无论其由何方所为，并要求包括武装团体在内的阿拉伯叙利亚共和国所有各方按照阿拉伯国家联盟的倡议，立即停止一切暴力或报复行为；

 5.  再次强调必须追究责任，并务必结束有罪不罚状况，追究侵犯人权行为的责任人，包括追究其侵犯行为可能构成危害人类罪的责任人；

 6.  要求阿拉伯叙利亚共和国政府根据阿拉伯国家联盟2011年11月2日《行动计划》和联盟 2012 年2 月12 日的决定，立即：

  (a) 停止一切暴力行为，保护其民众；  (b) 释放所有因最近事件被任意拘留的人；

  (c) 从城镇撤出所有叙利亚军队和武装部队，使其返回原来的兵营；

  (d) 保障和平示威的自由；

  (e) 让阿拉伯国家联盟所有相关机构和阿拉伯及国际媒体在阿拉伯叙利亚共和国的所有地区充分、自由进出并行动，以便在实地查明局势真相，并监测正在发生的事件；

 7.  呼吁在没有暴力、恐惧、恫吓和极端主义的情况下，开展由叙利亚人主导的包容各方的政治进程，以便在不预断结果的前提下，切实回应阿拉伯叙利亚共和国人民的合理愿望和关切； 

 8.  完全支持阿拉伯国家联盟2012年1月22日决定协助由叙利亚人主导的走向民主多元政治制度的政治过渡进程，让公民享有平等待遇而不论其派别、族裔或信仰为何，包括阿拉伯叙利亚共和国政府和叙利亚所有反对派在阿拉伯国家联盟主持下，根据阿拉伯国家联盟提出的时间表，认真开始政治对话；

  9.  吁请各会员国向阿拉伯联盟提供所要求的支持；

  10. 吁请叙利亚当局让人道主义援助安全和不受阻碍地通行，确保把人道主义援助送到需要援助的人的手中；

  11. 在这方面，请秘书长和联合国所有相关机构为阿拉伯国家联盟的努力提供支持，一方面为促进和平解决叙利亚危机进行斡旋，包括任命一名特使，另一方面在与阿拉伯国家联盟协商的情况下提供技术和物质援助；

  12. 请秘书长与阿拉伯国家联盟协商，在本决议通过后 15 天内就决议的执行情况提交报告。

来源：联合国官网：http://www.un.org/zh/documents/view_doc.asp?symbol=A/66/L.36

报道：《老榕：网上吆喝新疆干果》（略有删节）

    （首席记者刘书成）老榕是网名，在新浪微博上，他以自媒体的“榕通社”直播利比亚战争而声名鹊起。直播间隙，他喜欢在微博上推介自家网络商城的商品：和田玉及新疆干果。

    曾写下经典文章《大连金州没有眼泪》的他，被评为中国十大网民之一。这篇以他带儿子看世界杯预选赛上中国主场作战败北球赛的2000多字文章，被称为中国第一足球博文。

    曾创办8848网站的他，被称为“中国电子商务第一人”，影响中国21世纪的青年人物。在这些广为人知的称号外，少有人知的是，他帮助马云撺掇了“西湖论剑”，提议让金庸到场，并拉来了同是“金迷”的王志东、张朝阳和丁磊……

    身披荣誉的盔甲，王峻涛驰骋电子商务浮沉跌宕数十年，曾经沧海桑田的他，如今除了直播榕通社外，新疆葡萄干、大枣、核桃、无花果都是他微博的主角。

    点击6688.com首页，一位留着山羊胡、用皴裂的双手捧着一把红枣的维吾尔族大爷的照片映入眼帘，汉语、维吾尔语烫金字体勾勒出了“新疆特产”4个大字。

    是什么样的机缘，让中国电商第一人在微博上吆喝起了我们新疆的干果？

    一切要从去年12月老榕在微博上与志愿者的一次攀谈说起。

    去年12月的一天，老榕在微博上注意到，深圳市关爱残友志愿者协会秘书长因参与一项深圳援助喀什残疾人的项目，在微博上以志愿者的身份呼吁网民帮助喀什农户卖点干果，其中@了老榕。

    老榕回忆自己当时回应这个微博的想法说：“我一想，这我可以帮上忙呀。”于是，老榕就这样与他们搭上了线，开始在6688.com电子商务网站上销售起了新疆干果。

    跟一般的买家不同，老榕压根没派员工或亲赴新疆确立销售渠道及货源，而是完全委托他们团队的志愿者。“农户说什么价，我就给多少钱，不压价，现金打款给志愿者，由他们跟农户结算”。

    或许恰逢春节，或许老榕的网络影响力大，这批来自喀什的干果卖得挺火。春节期间，在6688销售的20多种新疆干果中，居然有1/3卖断货。受春运及物流因素影响，缺货品种再次发货要到2月7日。

    通过老榕介绍，记者联系上了志愿者。他在电话及QQ上告诉记者，志愿者们已经联系了喀什市郊8-10位农户。 “老榕人很实在，他很想帮帮喀什这些农户。”他这样评价合作伙伴。

    王峻涛讲话带一点福建人特有的温软口音，激动时甚至还有点口吃，他更愿意通过网络与人交流，“跟那种发个邮件，半个月过去都不回的人，根本没法交流”。

    除了葡萄干、巴旦木外，他还跟北京琉璃厂文化商城合作，卖翡翠白菜、中南海专用的戴月轩毛笔，也不乏和田玉摆件。

    6688上卖得红火的干果也有物流这道坎。老榕清楚地记得，去年12月10日，第一批干果通过铁路运输走了十多天才到货，而老榕干等着到货之后才能在网站上销售，第一个客户在6688上下单时已是12月23日了。

    “铁路不行改航空，可是据说当时喀什到北京的航班很紧张，货物仓位时常拿不到”。于是，他尝试先把干果从喀什运到乌鲁木齐，然后再从乌鲁木齐运到北京。不过，恰逢春运高峰，加上乌鲁木齐那段时间时常大雾，那批干果送货之路走得也不那么容易，“最慢一次七八天才到”。

    如果说老榕起初在第一次下单时只是临时起意，如今，他改变了想法，想把新疆干果搞出点名堂来。他琢磨着，“不知新疆当地政府能否给农产品开辟个绿色通道”，或者有当地企业愿意固定提供更多货源，固定好物流商，这样就可以长期对新疆干果电商采购了。

    尽管面前并非笔直的康庄大道，王峻涛仍继续自己电子商务的选择，“以后还要长期做下去”。（新疆都市消费晨报）

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