议程项目 34

预防武装冲突

   安道尔、澳大利亚、巴林、科摩罗、克罗地亚、丹麦、埃及、芬兰、法国、希腊、匈牙利、约旦、科威特、利比亚、黑山、摩洛哥、挪威、阿曼、巴拿马、卡塔尔、大韩民国、沙特阿拉伯、索马里、突尼斯、土耳其、阿拉伯联合酋长国、大不列颠及北爱尔兰联合王国、美利坚合众国：决议草案

   阿拉伯叙利亚共和国局势

  大会， 回顾其 2011 年 12 月 19 日第 66/176 号决议，以及人权理事会 2011 年 4 月29 日S-16/1 号决议、  2011 年 8 月 23 日S-17/1 号决议  和 2011 年 12 月 2 日S-18/1 号决议， 

  深切关注阿拉伯叙利亚共和国局势的恶化，特别是深切关注叙利亚当局当前侵犯人权和对该国人民使用暴力这一情况，

  重申区域和次区域组织根据《联合国宪章》第八章规定在维护国际和平与安全方面的作用，

  又重申大会坚决致力于维护阿拉伯叙利亚共和国的主权、独立、统一和领土完整，并坚决致力于遵守《宪章》各项原则，

  还重申联合国所有会员国在其国际关系上应避免以武力相威胁或使用武力，或以与联合国宗旨不符之任何其他方法，侵害任何国家的领土完整或政治独立，  欢迎秘书长的介入和所有旨在化解这一危机的外交努力，

 1.  重申大会坚决致力于维护阿拉伯叙利亚共和国的主权、独立、统一和领土完整，并强调务必以和平方式解决阿拉伯叙利亚共和国当前的政治危机；

 2.  强烈谴责叙利亚当局继续大规模蓄意侵犯人权和基本自由，如对平民使用武力，任意处决，杀害和迫害抗议者、人权捍卫者和记者，任意拘留，强迫失踪，阻碍获取医疗救治，实施酷刑，实施性暴力和虐待，包括对儿童实施此类行径；

 3.  促请阿拉伯叙利亚共和国政府立即停止一切侵犯人权的行为，停止袭击平民，保护其民众，全面遵守根据适用的国际法承担的各项义务，并全面执行人权理事会 S-16/1、S-17/1 和 S-18/1 号决议以及大会第 66/176 号决议，包括与国际独立调查委员会充分合作；

 4.  谴责一切暴力行为，无论其由何方所为，并要求包括武装团体在内的阿拉伯叙利亚共和国所有各方按照阿拉伯国家联盟的倡议，立即停止一切暴力或报复行为；

 5.  再次强调必须追究责任，并务必结束有罪不罚状况，追究侵犯人权行为的责任人，包括追究其侵犯行为可能构成危害人类罪的责任人；

 6.  要求阿拉伯叙利亚共和国政府根据阿拉伯国家联盟2011年11月2日《行动计划》和联盟 2012 年2 月12 日的决定，立即：

  (a) 停止一切暴力行为，保护其民众；  (b) 释放所有因最近事件被任意拘留的人；

  (c) 从城镇撤出所有叙利亚军队和武装部队，使其返回原来的兵营；

  (d) 保障和平示威的自由；

  (e) 让阿拉伯国家联盟所有相关机构和阿拉伯及国际媒体在阿拉伯叙利亚共和国的所有地区充分、自由进出并行动，以便在实地查明局势真相，并监测正在发生的事件；

 7.  呼吁在没有暴力、恐惧、恫吓和极端主义的情况下，开展由叙利亚人主导的包容各方的政治进程，以便在不预断结果的前提下，切实回应阿拉伯叙利亚共和国人民的合理愿望和关切； 

 8.  完全支持阿拉伯国家联盟2012年1月22日决定协助由叙利亚人主导的走向民主多元政治制度的政治过渡进程，让公民享有平等待遇而不论其派别、族裔或信仰为何，包括阿拉伯叙利亚共和国政府和叙利亚所有反对派在阿拉伯国家联盟主持下，根据阿拉伯国家联盟提出的时间表，认真开始政治对话；

  9.  吁请各会员国向阿拉伯联盟提供所要求的支持；

  10. 吁请叙利亚当局让人道主义援助安全和不受阻碍地通行，确保把人道主义援助送到需要援助的人的手中；

  11. 在这方面，请秘书长和联合国所有相关机构为阿拉伯国家联盟的努力提供支持，一方面为促进和平解决叙利亚危机进行斡旋，包括任命一名特使，另一方面在与阿拉伯国家联盟协商的情况下提供技术和物质援助；

  12. 请秘书长与阿拉伯国家联盟协商，在本决议通过后 15 天内就决议的执行情况提交报告。

来源：联合国官网：http://www.un.org/zh/documents/view_doc.asp?symbol=A/66/L.36

报道：《老榕：网上吆喝新疆干果》（略有删节）

    （首席记者刘书成）老榕是网名，在新浪微博上，他以自媒体的“榕通社”直播利比亚战争而声名鹊起。直播间隙，他喜欢在微博上推介自家网络商城的商品：和田玉及新疆干果。

    曾写下经典文章《大连金州没有眼泪》的他，被评为中国十大网民之一。这篇以他带儿子看世界杯预选赛上中国主场作战败北球赛的2000多字文章，被称为中国第一足球博文。

    曾创办8848网站的他，被称为“中国电子商务第一人”，影响中国21世纪的青年人物。在这些广为人知的称号外，少有人知的是，他帮助马云撺掇了“西湖论剑”，提议让金庸到场，并拉来了同是“金迷”的王志东、张朝阳和丁磊……

    身披荣誉的盔甲，王峻涛驰骋电子商务浮沉跌宕数十年，曾经沧海桑田的他，如今除了直播榕通社外，新疆葡萄干、大枣、核桃、无花果都是他微博的主角。

    点击6688.com首页，一位留着山羊胡、用皴裂的双手捧着一把红枣的维吾尔族大爷的照片映入眼帘，汉语、维吾尔语烫金字体勾勒出了“新疆特产”4个大字。

    是什么样的机缘，让中国电商第一人在微博上吆喝起了我们新疆的干果？

    一切要从去年12月老榕在微博上与志愿者的一次攀谈说起。

    去年12月的一天，老榕在微博上注意到，深圳市关爱残友志愿者协会秘书长因参与一项深圳援助喀什残疾人的项目，在微博上以志愿者的身份呼吁网民帮助喀什农户卖点干果，其中@了老榕。

    老榕回忆自己当时回应这个微博的想法说：“我一想，这我可以帮上忙呀。”于是，老榕就这样与他们搭上了线，开始在6688.com电子商务网站上销售起了新疆干果。

    跟一般的买家不同，老榕压根没派员工或亲赴新疆确立销售渠道及货源，而是完全委托他们团队的志愿者。“农户说什么价，我就给多少钱，不压价，现金打款给志愿者，由他们跟农户结算”。

    或许恰逢春节，或许老榕的网络影响力大，这批来自喀什的干果卖得挺火。春节期间，在6688销售的20多种新疆干果中，居然有1/3卖断货。受春运及物流因素影响，缺货品种再次发货要到2月7日。

    通过老榕介绍，记者联系上了志愿者。他在电话及QQ上告诉记者，志愿者们已经联系了喀什市郊8-10位农户。 “老榕人很实在，他很想帮帮喀什这些农户。”他这样评价合作伙伴。

    王峻涛讲话带一点福建人特有的温软口音，激动时甚至还有点口吃，他更愿意通过网络与人交流，“跟那种发个邮件，半个月过去都不回的人，根本没法交流”。

    除了葡萄干、巴旦木外，他还跟北京琉璃厂文化商城合作，卖翡翠白菜、中南海专用的戴月轩毛笔，也不乏和田玉摆件。

    6688上卖得红火的干果也有物流这道坎。老榕清楚地记得，去年12月10日，第一批干果通过铁路运输走了十多天才到货，而老榕干等着到货之后才能在网站上销售，第一个客户在6688上下单时已是12月23日了。

    “铁路不行改航空，可是据说当时喀什到北京的航班很紧张，货物仓位时常拿不到”。于是，他尝试先把干果从喀什运到乌鲁木齐，然后再从乌鲁木齐运到北京。不过，恰逢春运高峰，加上乌鲁木齐那段时间时常大雾，那批干果送货之路走得也不那么容易，“最慢一次七八天才到”。

    如果说老榕起初在第一次下单时只是临时起意，如今，他改变了想法，想把新疆干果搞出点名堂来。他琢磨着，“不知新疆当地政府能否给农产品开辟个绿色通道”，或者有当地企业愿意固定提供更多货源，固定好物流商，这样就可以长期对新疆干果电商采购了。

    尽管面前并非笔直的康庄大道，王峻涛仍继续自己电子商务的选择，“以后还要长期做下去”。（新疆都市消费晨报）

消费者反应（均来自新浪微博）

继续征集

少（数民族）穷（困地区），如有类似产品需要推销的请联系我。请到新浪微博给我私信。我私信开放。或者致电laorong#vip.sina.com。（发邮件时请把#换成@）。

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莫斯科支持阿萨德的小算盘

Feb 5, 6:54 AM EST

时间：2012年2月5日，上午6:54（美国东部时区）

来源：美联社 

http://www.newsday.com/news/nation/moscow-support-for-assad-well-calculated-1.3505921

By VLADIMIR ISACHENKOV Associated Press, Elizabeth A. Kennedy in Beirut and Scott McDonald in Beijing contributed to this report.

作者：VLADIMIR ISACHENKOV（美联），驻贝鲁特的Elizabeth A. Kennedy和驻北京的地Scott McDonald也有所贡献。

翻译：@skipper79 http://weibo.com/u/2077625315?topnav=1&wvr=3.6

Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin speaks at his meeting with local residents in the village Rosa in the Chelyabinsk region in the Ural Mountains, about 1500 kilometers (950 miles) east of Moscow, Russia, Saturday, Feb. 4, 2012. (AP Photo/RIA-Novosti, Alexei Nikolsky, Government Press Service)

2012年2月4日，俄罗斯莫斯科以东约1500公里乌拉尔山车里雅宾斯克地区的Rosa村，俄罗斯总理弗拉基米尔·普京正在与当地人的聚会中讲演。 

MOSCOW (AP) -- By bluntly using its veto power to block a United Nations resolution urging Syrian President Bashar Assad to step down, Russia has shown a willingness to defy the West at a scale rarely seen since the Cold War times.

莫斯科（美联）——针对联合国呼吁叙利亚总统巴沙尔·阿萨德下台的决议，俄罗斯直接就使用了否决权。俄罗斯这种对抗西方的态度自冷战以后很少见。

The price Russia will have to pay in international condemnation of its action clearly doesn't seem excessive to the Russian leaders. In fact, the Kremlin even may hope to reap some dividends both at home and abroad by coming to Assad's defense.

面对国际社会谴责，俄罗斯的行为必将付出代价，但这对俄罗斯领导人来说，似乎仍在可控范围之内。实际上通过维护阿萨德，克里姆林宫甚至还想在国内外斩获一些红利。

With Russia's presidential election just a month away, Prime Minister Vladimir Putin, seeking to return to the Kremlin, appears eager to stand up to the United States by protecting a longtime ally. Putin already has given his campaign a distinct anti-American flavor, accusing the U.S. of trying to thwart his bid to reclaim the presidency, so bickering with Washington over Syria would give him an extra chance to consolidate his support among nationalists.

俄罗斯离总统选举还有一个月，总理弗拉基米尔·普京正想重回宝座，这次他似乎想通过保护一个老盟友来对抗美国。普京在选举中明显露出反美特色，指责美国试图妨碍他再次担任总统。因此，这次与华盛顿方面在叙利亚问题上的争执会使普京有机会巩固国家主义者对他的支持。

Russia's relations with the U.S. are in a downward spiral amid a host of disputes, and the discord over Syria wouldn't bring any dramatic change in the overall picture.

在多个争执中，俄美关系呈不断下降趋势，从各方面来说，叙利亚问题上的争吵也不会出现任何戏剧性的转变。

Putin has spoken with dismay about NATO's action in Libya and even accused U.S. special forces of involvement in the killing of Moammar Gadhafi. Moscow's abstention in the U.N. vote on Libya cleared the path for a NATO military operation there, and Russian officials firmly say they will not allow any Syria-related U.N. resolution to open the door to a replay of the Libyan experience.

对于北约在利比亚的行动，普京表示惊愕，甚至指责卡扎菲之死有美国特种部队参与其中。莫斯科方面在联合国利比亚问题上投出弃权票，这为北约展开军事行动去除了障碍。同时俄罗斯官方坚称，他们不会为任何重复利比亚模式的联合国有关叙利亚决议打开大门。

Saturday's veto by Russia and China marked the second time in four months that the two countries used their power to block a U.N. action to end violence in Syria, where more than 5,400 people have been killed since protests against Assad's regime began in March.

周六中俄使用了否决权，这两个国家在四个月之内让联合国阻止叙利亚暴力活动的行动遭到了第二次杯葛。自（去年）三月份针对阿萨德当局的抗议爆发开始，已有5,400人被杀。

Analysts say Russia seems to have little fear that its intransigence in the Syrian crisis could hurt its interests in the Middle East.

分析家称，俄罗斯在叙利亚问题上不妥协，但它并不担心会伤害自己在中东的利益。

The Arab states in the Gulf that spearheaded the Arab League's efforts to end violence in Syria always have viewed Russia with indifference and, sometimes, open enmity. Moscow has no clout there, so their disapproval is inconsequential.

在阿盟努力结束叙利亚暴力活动的行动中，海湾阿拉伯国家是先锋，这些国家对俄罗斯一直关系冷淡，有时会公开敌视。莫斯科方面在那里影响缺缺，因此海湾阿拉伯国家有所不满也就无足轻重了。

"Russia's position will not inflict any more damage to its standing in the Arab world," said Yevgeny Satanovsky, president of the independent Middle East Institute in Moscow.

在莫斯科，独立的中东研究院负责人Yevgeny Satanovsky表示：“俄罗斯的立场没法让它在阿拉伯世界的影响再降低了。”

Other observers point that Russia's firm stance against foreign military intervention in Syria may actually be welcomed by the public in some Arab nations that have taken a neutral stance on the crisis.

一些观察家指出，俄罗斯坚定反对外来武装干涉叙利亚问题，这实际上获得了一些阿拉伯国家公众的欢迎，这些人在这场危机中持中立立场。

Alexei Sarabyev, a researcher with the Center of Arabic and Islamic studies at Moscow's Institute of Eastern Studies, a government-funded think-tank, said the public in such nations as Oman, Yemen, Sudan and Algeria would take a positive view of Russia's policy.

在政府资助的智囊团莫斯科东方研究院，其阿拉伯和伊斯兰研究中心研究员Alexei Sarabyev表示，在阿曼、也门、苏丹和阿尔及利亚的公众将对俄罗斯的方针政策持积极态度。

"The population of these nations will likely have a positive attitude to Russia's stance in the Syrian conflict," he said. "And the opinion of the Arab street is extremely important."

他说：“这些国家的民众很可能将对俄罗斯在叙利亚危机中的立场持积极态度。阿拉伯国家的街上舆论极为重要。”

Even though Russia held the door open to the NATO action in Libya, Gadhafi's downfall deprived it of any influence with the new Libyan authorities, who immediately annulled the lucrative weapons and other contracts signed by the dictator. Kremlin strategists obviously realize it's already too late to try to mend ties with the Syrian opposition, so maintaining a staunch support for Assad may seem to them the best possible bet.

在利比亚，即便俄罗斯为北约行动敞开大门，而卡扎菲的倒台使其对利比亚新当局的影响不在。新当局立刻就取消了独裁者所签订的那些获利颇丰的武器合同和其他协议。克里姆林宫的战略家们明显意识到，与叙利亚反对派修复关系已经太迟了，因此对他们来说，坚持支持阿萨德也许是最好的办法。

At the same time, Russia has hosted Syrian opposition leaders in an unsuccessful attempt to persuade them to sit down for talks with the government and repeatedly tried to encourage Assad to launch reforms to ease public discontent and refrain from using force against civilians - advice he has ignored.

同时，俄罗斯一直想让叙利亚反对派和当局坐下来谈话，但这一尝试没有成功；它还不断督促阿萨德进行改革缓解公众不满，以及限制对平民使用武力，这些都被阿萨德所无视。

A trip to Damascus by the Russian foreign minister and the foreign intelligence chief set for Tuesday appears to be another effort to push Assad to show more flexibility.

周二，俄罗斯外长和对外情报部门负责人将出访大马士革，这将是又一次敦促阿萨德，希望其展示更大的灵活性。

Syria has been Moscow's top ally in the region since the Cold War, when it was led by the current leader's father, Hafez Assad. Russia saw Syria as a bulwark against U.S. interests in the region and a key adversary of Israel. Along with Iraq, Syria was a top customer for Soviet weapons.

自冷战开始，叙利亚在该地区就是莫斯科的头等盟友。当时叙利亚的领导人是现任总统的父亲哈菲兹·阿萨德。在俄罗斯眼中，叙利亚是在该地区对抗美国的中流砥柱，是以色列的大敌。与伊拉克一样，叙利亚也是苏联武器的大客户。

Moscow's ties with Syria and other Soviet-era allies took a nosedive after the 1991 Soviet collapse, when economic and political chaos that befell Russia effectively deprived it of any capability and interest in maintaining a global presence.

1991年苏联解体，莫斯科方面与叙利亚，以及其他盟友的关系一落千丈，俄罗斯的经济政治乱局使其丧失了维持全球影响力的能力和所能获得的利益。

That changed after Putin took the presidency in 2000 and moved quickly to reclaim the nation's international clout relying on a flow of petrodollars. After Bashar Assad succeeded his father the same year, Russia agreed to annul the bulk of Syria's Soviet-era debt in a bid to win back the loyalty of the old ally.

在普京2000年当选总统后，这一局面发生改变，依靠石油美元，普京很快就重新获得了国际影响力。同一年巴沙尔·阿萨德继承父位，俄罗斯则同意免除叙利亚在苏联时期欠下的大笔债务，再次赢得了这位老盟友的忠心。

In the past few years, Russia has shipped arms to Syria, much to the dismay of Israel and the U.S., but refrained from providing Assad with more powerful weapons he has sought, such as Iskander missiles whose range and precision would allow Syria to hit targets in Israel, and the S-300 air defense missile that would pose a strong threat to any enemy aircraft.

在过去数年中，俄罗斯向叙利亚输送大量武器，使得以色列和美国颇感头疼，但是俄罗斯并没有向阿萨德提供其所寻求的更为强大的武器，如：伊斯坎德尔导弹，这种导弹的射程和精度可以让叙利亚打击以色列目标，还有就是S-300防空导弹，这对任何飞机都是巨大的威胁。

Russia has continued weapon supplies to Damascus, even as Assad unleashed his crackdown on protests, shrugging off Western objections as irrelevant. Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov has said defiantly that Moscow would maintain the flow of weapons to Damascus.

俄罗斯不断向大马士革提供武器，即便是在阿萨德镇压抗议者的时候也没有停止，对于西方的抗议之声，俄罗斯表示不在乎，认为不相干。俄罗斯外长谢尔盖·拉夫罗夫曾公然表示，俄罗斯会继续向大马士革提供武器。

China, although it has better ties with the Mideast than Russia, shared Moscow's displeasure about the NATO action in Libya.

对于中国，尽管它与中东的关系要好于俄罗斯，但是它也同俄罗斯一样不满北约在利比亚的行动。

"China is worried that a situation similar to that in Libya may occur again," said Niu Jun, a professor at Beijing University's School of International Studies.

北京大学国际关系学院教授牛军（音译）称：“中国担心类似利比亚的情况再次发生。”

(因为可以读者一定可以理解的原因，本篇译文有非常少的删节）

叙军士兵：暴行逼我反叛

来源：纽约时报 

英文网址：

http://www.nytimes.com/2012/02/02/world/europe/soldier-says-atrocities-made-him-a-syrian-defector.html?_r=1&pagewanted=all

作者：DAN BILEFSKY

完成日期：2012年2月1日

翻译：@skipper79

Ammar Cheikh Omar, center, a defector from the Syrian army to the opposition, played cards with other Syrian refugees at an apartment in Antakya, Turkey.  Daniel Etter for The New York Times

Ammar Cheikh Omar（中）从叙利亚政府军叛逃加入反对派。该照片拍摄于土耳其安提克一所公寓，Omar正与其他叙利亚难民打扑克。        Daniel Etter（NYT） 

HATAY, Turkey — Ammar Cheikh Omar recalled the first time he was ordered to shoot into a crowd of protesters in Syria. He aimed his AK-47 just above their heads, prayed to God not to make him a killer and pulled the trigger.

土耳其哈提省——Ammar Cheikh Omar回忆他在叙利亚首次接到向抗议人群射击命令时的情景。他抬起AK47瞄准，枪口所指稍高于人群的头顶，然后向真主祈祷不要让他成为凶手，接着扣动了扳机。

Mr. Omar, 29, the soft-spoken and wiry son of Syrian parents who had emigrated to Germany in the 1950s, grew up in Rheda-Wiedenbrück, a prosperous village of half-timbered 16th-century houses, where he listened to Mariah Carey and daydreamed about one day returning to Syria.

Omar现年29岁，谈吐温和，身材瘦而健壮。他的叙利亚父母在上世纪50年代移居德国，他在雷达-维登布吕克长大。那里是一个富庶的村镇，镇中都是十六世纪的半木结构房屋。他在那里听玛丽亚·凯莉的歌曲，梦想有一日返回叙利亚。

Today, he is still trying to make sense of his unlikely transformation from a dutiful German student to a killer for the brutal Syrian regime of President Bashar al-Assad and, ultimately, a defector. “I was proud to be Syrian, but instead became a soldier for a regime that was intent on killing its own people,” Mr. Omar said on a recent day, chain-smoking at a café in this Turkish border town. “I thank God every day that I am still alive.”

Omar从一个认真负责的德国学生，变成了一个为野蛮的阿萨德总统卖命的凶手，并最终成为了一个叛逃者。对于这一系列不同寻常的变化转型，他现在仍如坠雾中。近日在土耳其边境城镇的咖啡馆里，他一边抽烟一边说到：“我为是叙利亚人而自豪，但作为一个被当局用来杀戮自己民众的士兵没有可自豪的。我还活着，为此我每天都感谢真主，”

Human rights groups and Syrian activists said he was one of thousands of Syrians who had inadvertently found themselves deployed as foot soldiers for a regime that the United Nations estimates has killed more than 5,000 since the crackdown on demonstrators began in March.

自从（去年）三月开始镇压抗议者，据联合国评估，叙利亚当局已经造成超过5,000人死亡。人权组织和叙利亚活动人士称，数千像Omar一样的士兵不经意间发现他们正在为这样一个当局服务。

Soldiers are typically conscripted at age 18, with members of Syria’s Sunni majority making up the bulk of the army ranks and minority Alawis, who come from the same religious group as Mr. Assad, often serving as high-ranking officers or in the state security apparatus. Mr. Omar, a highly educated Sunni with flawless Arabic, gained entry to a security unit attached to the Interior Ministry.

在叙利亚，应征入伍的年龄是18岁，军队中的大批普通士兵是由在人口中占多数的逊尼派组成，而在人口中占少数的阿拉维派，也就是阿萨德总统所属派别的人员则会担任军官或在国家安全机关任职。Omar是一个受过高等教育的逊尼派教徒，有着一口流利的阿拉伯语，这使得他可以进入一支内务部下辖的安全部队。

Human rights groups estimate that there are at least 5,000 defectors; an exact number is difficult to confirm because many remain in hiding. “Mr. Omar’s harrowing tale fits an all-too-familiar pattern in which soldiers are deployed away from their hometowns to help ensure that they will be less likely to refuse an order to kill,” said Ole Solvang, a researcher at Human Rights Watch who has interviewed dozens of Syrian defectors, including Mr. Omar. “He was one of the lucky ones, as he managed to escape.”

人权组织评估现在至少有5,000名叛逃者，由于还有许多人潜藏起来，这一数字很难确定。人权观察的研究员Ole Solvang采访了包括Omar在内的数十个叙利亚叛逃者，他说：“Omar令人伤心的故事在那些士兵中相当普遍，他们被派到远离家乡的地方，这样在接到开火的命令时，他们就很难拒绝了。Omar逃跑了，他是那些幸运者中的一员。”

There is no way to corroborate much of Mr. Omar’s account of his journey to becoming an enforcer for the Assad regime. Though human rights groups and activists operating in Syria say it fits the pattern of hundreds of defectors who have fled the country, it is simply one man’s tale. It began in 2004 when he left Germany for Aleppo, with the aim of getting in touch with his roots, studying law, improving his Arabic and finding a wife.

关于Omar成为阿萨德当局打手的故事没有办法来证实。尽管在叙利亚的人权组织和活动人士称，他的故事在数百逃离叙利亚的叛逃者中是普遍现象，但是这只是一个人的故事。2004年，Omar离开德国来到阿勒颇，他想找到自己的根，然后学习法律，提高阿拉伯语水平，再就是找一个妻子。

He managed to do all that, entering law school, marrying a doctor and, eventually, having a child. His parents, meanwhile, had moved back to Aleppo because his father wanted to live out his final years in the old country.

通过努力，他走进法学学院，娶了一个女医师，最后有了孩子。同时，他的父母也搬回阿勒颇，他的父亲希望能在故土颐养天年。

In late 2010, Mr. Omar was conscripted into the Syrian military, just weeks before a Tunisian fruit seller immolated himself and set off the wave of regional protests that eventually buffeted Syria, whose authoritarian president is determined to keep his family’s grip on power.

2010年末，Omar被征召进入叙利亚军队。就在几周之后，一个突尼斯的水果小贩自焚，从而引发了中东地区的抗议浪潮，并最终影响到了由总统家族极权统治的叙利亚。

At first, said Mr. Omar, who had always felt like an outsider in Germany, he was proud to be serving the government. Soldiers were initially told that their main task was to defend the country against Israel, he said. But when demonstrations erupted, they were told that the protesters were “terrorists” or “armed gangs” sponsored by foreign forces. Access to cell phones, non-state television or the Internet was strictly prohibited; breaching that rule was punishable by up to two months in jail.

Omar在德国时总是感觉自己像一个外人。最初，能为政府服务让他觉得很骄傲。士兵们一开始被告知的使命就是对抗以色列，保家卫国。然而当抗议爆发之时，士兵们又被告知这些抗议者是由外国势力支持的“恐怖分子”或“武装匪徒”。手机、私营电视台或互联网被严格控制，如有人触犯将入狱两个月。

Mr. Omar’s first deployment was in the southern city of Dara’a, near Jordan, where, he said, he and his 350-strong unit were dispatched in March to help crack down on intensifying demonstrations. He said he had been ordered to arrest and shoot at dozens of protesters, including many young students, who had scrawled antigovernment graffiti on the walls of the town.

最早Omar所在部队350人被部署到靠近约旦的南部都市德拉，直到三月份，他们被派出去镇压愈演愈烈的抗议活动。他们接到命令逮捕和射杀了数十名抗议者，其中包括许多在城镇墙上涂画反政府内容的青年学生。

“The army needed everyone. It was very brutal,” he said. “But if there’s an officer of the Mukhabarat next to you,” he added, referring to the country’s feared security services, “you don’t have a choice but to shoot.”

Omar说：“军队需要每一个人。那真是残忍。但是如果旁边站着一个Mukhabarat的军官，你除了开枪别无选择。”关于Mukhabarat，他解释是叙利亚令人恐怖的安全部门。

Every soldier was armed with 60 bullets and given new ammunition each night, Mr. Omar said, and he said he had watched with incredulity as security forces fired live rounds at protesters assembling near the central Omari mosque, killing at least six people and injuring dozens more. He said his unit had shot at the protesters from above a roof overlooking the mosque. One of his fellow soldiers began to scream uncontrollably when he realized that his 18-year-old brother, demonstrating below on the street, had been shot. The soldier buried him two days later.

每个士兵有60颗子弹，每晚再补充。安全部队用实弹向在Omari清真寺聚集的抗议人群开火，造成至少六人死亡，数十人受伤，Omar看在眼里，心中狐疑。他所在的部队被部署在一处能俯视清真寺的屋顶上，他们从那里向抗议者射击。其中一名士兵开始失控大叫，他看见自己十八岁的兄弟也在下面大街上参加抗议游行，结果中弹身亡。两天后，这名士兵才埋葬了兄弟的尸体。

Shaken by what he had seen, Mr. Omar said, he was determined to defect. But before he could act, he was sent to Duma, northeast of Damascus, the capital, to work in a security unit interrogating detainees.

见到这些，Omar动摇了，决心叛逃。不过在他能叛逃前，他又被派到了位于首都大马士革东北的Duma，配属到一处负责审问被拘留者的安全机构。

Mr. Omar said he had been asked to take notes during the interrogation of prisoners, some as young as 15 years old. He said demonstrators had been blindfolded and forced to strip to their underwear before their hands were tied behind their backs. Interrogations were conducted by four or five soldiers and officers in a dark, windowless room. He said the interrogating officer had ordered him to write down confessions naming protest leaders, confessions that detainees were then asked to finger stamp rather than sign, since their hands were bound.

Omar负责在审问期间做笔录，他发现一些囚犯才十五岁。那些游行抗议者被蒙住双眼，全身只剩内衣，双手被绑在背后。在一间昏暗没有窗户的屋子里，审问由四或五名士兵和军官进行。审问人员让Omar记录下这些被称为抗议领袖的供状。由于这些人双手被捆，他们只能在供状上面按手印，而不是签字。

To force confessions, Mr. Omar said, the soldiers tortured the detainees with electrified cattle prods, beat them or urinated on them. Some passed out. Others bled heavily. Many disappeared.

为了逼供，士兵们会对被拘人员使用对牲畜用的电击棒，对其殴打或向其小便。一些人昏厥过去，一些人大量出血，还有许多人失踪了。

“The soldiers demanded to know why they had gone to the streets and who had paid them,” he recalled. “It was painful to watch. At the beginning I couldn’t sleep, but after a while, I got used to it. But I could not live with myself if I had remained.”

Omar回忆道：“那些士兵们想知道，为什么这些人会上街，还有就是什么人资助他们。那真是残不目睹。刚开始我无法入睡，但过了一段时间也就习惯了。不过如果还在那里待着，我可能就活不下去了。”

As the protests gathered pace over the summer, Mr. Omar was sent to Hama, where he was relieved of his AK-47 and instead given a shield and a stun gun, he said. With tens of thousands of people on the streets in Hama, he said, he hoped he could disappear into the crowd. At noon on July 26, he said, he and two fellow officers decided to defect from their army base, changing into civilian clothes and jumping over the wall.

随着抗议浪潮持续走过夏季，Omar来到了哈马，这次他手中拿着的不是AK47，而是一面盾牌和一把电击枪。在哈马的街上抗议者成千上万，Omar希望自己能混在人群中逃走。7月26日中午，他和两个战友决定逃离军事基地。他们换上平民衣服，翻墙逃跑了。

They found refuge in the homes of people opposed to the regime, Mr. Omar said, and wrapped scarves around their heads to conceal their faces. Fearing that he would be kidnapped or “disappeared” in Syria under some false pretext, Mr. Omar made a video, which he posted on YouTube, to establish that he had defected.

他们躲在反政府民众的家中，并用头巾遮住脸。在叙利亚，由于他害怕会在某些伪造的托辞下被绑架或“被失踪”，Omar做了一个说明他已经叛逃的视频发到了YouTube上。

The defectors were driven toward the Turkish border in broad daylight, eventually abandoning their car and walking through woods to avoid detection. At 7 a.m. on July 30, he said, they crossed illegally into Hatay, where they met up with members of the rebel Free Syrian Army, settling in a refugee camp.

叛逃者们在大白天来到了土耳其边境，最后他们丢弃汽车，为了躲避侦查，他们徒步穿过树林。7月30日早上7点，他们非法进入了土耳其哈提省，随后与反对派自由叙利亚军会合，并在难民营得到了安置。

At the camp, a gaunt and pale Mr. Omar produced another video to post on YouTube, in which he said he was ashamed that he had been part of Mr. Assad’s forces. “I will never forget the dead bodies of young and old men, but also women and children on the streets,” he said, dressed in a uniform of the Free Syrian Army and appearing with a Syrian flag.

在难民营，Omar又做了第二个视频放到YouTube上。在视频中，他为曾经是阿萨德军队的一员感到羞愧。他穿着配有叙利亚旗帜的自由叙利亚军军服说道：“我不会忘记那些在大街上的老人、青年、妇女和儿童的尸体。”

Appealing directly to Germany, he added: “Hitler died in Germany, but awoke in Syria.” Germany eventually helped get him out of the camp so he could get a stamp in his passport to remain in Turkey.

他还直接请求德国帮忙，他说：“在德国希特勒是死了，可又在叙利亚复活了。”德国方面最终提供协助，让他能离开难民营去办理护照手续，这使他能继续留在土耳其。

Mr. Omar joined the rebel army, a scruffy group numbering around 10,000 soldiers, whose mandate is to protect civilians from the regime. He is now an officer, helping to smuggle wounded rebels into Turkey, some of whom he houses in his home. He said he supported the political demonstrations against the government but warned, “We cannot afford to meet guns with only talk and slogans.”

Omar加入了反对派军队，这支蓬头垢面的部队大约有一万人，他们的使命是从当局手中保护平民。Omar现在成为了一名军官，协助那些受伤的反对派偷渡进入土耳其，其中一些人就被安置在他住的地方。对于反对当局的政治游行，Omar表示支持，但他提醒道：“面对枪口，我们只用对话和标语是撑不住的”

He fears for his family, including his wife, their 1-year old-daughter and his parents. After his escape, he said, his brother-in-law was fired from his architecture job, and the family’s house in Aleppo was vandalized.

Omar担心家人的情况，这包括他的妻子，一岁的女儿和父母。在他逃跑后，他的妹夫失去了建筑师的工作，在阿勒颇的住宅也遭到了破坏。

But he said he had no regrets. “My family knows I made the right choice.”

不过他不后悔。“家人知道我做出了正确的选择。”

叙军士兵：暴行逼我反叛

来源：纽约时报 

英文网址：

http://www.nytimes.com/2012/02/02/world/europe/soldier-says-atrocities-made-him-a-syrian-defector.html?_r=1&pagewanted=all

作者：DAN BILEFSKY

完成日期：2012年2月1日

翻译：@skipper79

Ammar Cheikh Omar, center, a defector from the Syrian army to the opposition, played cards with other Syrian refugees at an apartment in Antakya, Turkey.  Daniel Etter for The New York Times

Ammar Cheikh Omar（中）从叙利亚政府军叛逃加入反对派。该照片拍摄于土耳其安提克一所公寓，Omar正与其他叙利亚难民打扑克。        Daniel Etter（NYT） 

HATAY, Turkey — Ammar Cheikh Omar recalled the first time he was ordered to shoot into a crowd of protesters in Syria. He aimed his AK-47 just above their heads, prayed to God not to make him a killer and pulled the trigger.

土耳其哈提省——Ammar Cheikh Omar回忆他在叙利亚首次接到向抗议人群射击命令时的情景。他抬起AK47瞄准，枪口所指稍高于人群的头顶，然后向真主祈祷不要让他成为凶手，接着扣动了扳机。

Mr. Omar, 29, the soft-spoken and wiry son of Syrian parents who had emigrated to Germany in the 1950s, grew up in Rheda-Wiedenbrück, a prosperous village of half-timbered 16th-century houses, where he listened to Mariah Carey and daydreamed about one day returning to Syria.

Omar现年29岁，谈吐温和，身材瘦而健壮。他的叙利亚父母在上世纪50年代移居德国，他在雷达-维登布吕克长大。那里是一个富庶的村镇，镇中都是十六世纪的半木结构房屋。他在那里听玛丽亚·凯莉的歌曲，梦想有一日返回叙利亚。

Today, he is still trying to make sense of his unlikely transformation from a dutiful German student to a killer for the brutal Syrian regime of President Bashar al-Assad and, ultimately, a defector. “I was proud to be Syrian, but instead became a soldier for a regime that was intent on killing its own people,” Mr. Omar said on a recent day, chain-smoking at a café in this Turkish border town. “I thank God every day that I am still alive.”

Omar从一个认真负责的德国学生，变成了一个为野蛮的阿萨德总统卖命的凶手，并最终成为了一个叛逃者。对于这一系列不同寻常的变化转型，他现在仍如坠雾中。近日在土耳其边境城镇的咖啡馆里，他一边抽烟一边说到：“我为是叙利亚人而自豪，但作为一个被当局用来杀戮自己民众的士兵没有可自豪的。我还活着，为此我每天都感谢真主，”

Human rights groups and Syrian activists said he was one of thousands of Syrians who had inadvertently found themselves deployed as foot soldiers for a regime that the United Nations estimates has killed more than 5,000 since the crackdown on demonstrators began in March.

自从（去年）三月开始镇压抗议者，据联合国评估，叙利亚当局已经造成超过5,000人死亡。人权组织和叙利亚活动人士称，数千像Omar一样的士兵不经意间发现他们正在为这样一个当局服务。

Soldiers are typically conscripted at age 18, with members of Syria’s Sunni majority making up the bulk of the army ranks and minority Alawis, who come from the same religious group as Mr. Assad, often serving as high-ranking officers or in the state security apparatus. Mr. Omar, a highly educated Sunni with flawless Arabic, gained entry to a security unit attached to the Interior Ministry.

在叙利亚，应征入伍的年龄是18岁，军队中的大批普通士兵是由在人口中占多数的逊尼派组成，而在人口中占少数的阿拉维派，也就是阿萨德总统所属派别的人员则会担任军官或在国家安全机关任职。Omar是一个受过高等教育的逊尼派教徒，有着一口流利的阿拉伯语，这使得他可以进入一支内务部下辖的安全部队。

Human rights groups estimate that there are at least 5,000 defectors; an exact number is difficult to confirm because many remain in hiding. “Mr. Omar’s harrowing tale fits an all-too-familiar pattern in which soldiers are deployed away from their hometowns to help ensure that they will be less likely to refuse an order to kill,” said Ole Solvang, a researcher at Human Rights Watch who has interviewed dozens of Syrian defectors, including Mr. Omar. “He was one of the lucky ones, as he managed to escape.”

人权组织评估现在至少有5,000名叛逃者，由于还有许多人潜藏起来，这一数字很难确定。人权观察的研究员Ole Solvang采访了包括Omar在内的数十个叙利亚叛逃者，他说：“Omar令人伤心的故事在那些士兵中相当普遍，他们被派到远离家乡的地方，这样在接到开火的命令时，他们就很难拒绝了。Omar逃跑了，他是那些幸运者中的一员。”

There is no way to corroborate much of Mr. Omar’s account of his journey to becoming an enforcer for the Assad regime. Though human rights groups and activists operating in Syria say it fits the pattern of hundreds of defectors who have fled the country, it is simply one man’s tale. It began in 2004 when he left Germany for Aleppo, with the aim of getting in touch with his roots, studying law, improving his Arabic and finding a wife.

关于Omar成为阿萨德当局打手的故事没有办法来证实。尽管在叙利亚的人权组织和活动人士称，他的故事在数百逃离叙利亚的叛逃者中是普遍现象，但是这只是一个人的故事。2004年，Omar离开德国来到阿勒颇，他想找到自己的根，然后学习法律，提高阿拉伯语水平，再就是找一个妻子。

He managed to do all that, entering law school, marrying a doctor and, eventually, having a child. His parents, meanwhile, had moved back to Aleppo because his father wanted to live out his final years in the old country.

通过努力，他走进法学学院，娶了一个女医师，最后有了孩子。同时，他的父母也搬回阿勒颇，他的父亲希望能在故土颐养天年。

In late 2010, Mr. Omar was conscripted into the Syrian military, just weeks before a Tunisian fruit seller immolated himself and set off the wave of regional protests that eventually buffeted Syria, whose authoritarian president is determined to keep his family’s grip on power.

2010年末，Omar被征召进入叙利亚军队。就在几周之后，一个突尼斯的水果小贩自焚，从而引发了中东地区的抗议浪潮，并最终影响到了由总统家族极权统治的叙利亚。

At first, said Mr. Omar, who had always felt like an outsider in Germany, he was proud to be serving the government. Soldiers were initially told that their main task was to defend the country against Israel, he said. But when demonstrations erupted, they were told that the protesters were “terrorists” or “armed gangs” sponsored by foreign forces. Access to cell phones, non-state television or the Internet was strictly prohibited; breaching that rule was punishable by up to two months in jail.

Omar在德国时总是感觉自己像一个外人。最初，能为政府服务让他觉得很骄傲。士兵们一开始被告知的使命就是对抗以色列，保家卫国。然而当抗议爆发之时，士兵们又被告知这些抗议者是由外国势力支持的“恐怖分子”或“武装匪徒”。手机、私营电视台或互联网被严格控制，如有人触犯将入狱两个月。

Mr. Omar’s first deployment was in the southern city of Dara’a, near Jordan, where, he said, he and his 350-strong unit were dispatched in March to help crack down on intensifying demonstrations. He said he had been ordered to arrest and shoot at dozens of protesters, including many young students, who had scrawled antigovernment graffiti on the walls of the town.

最早Omar所在部队350人被部署到靠近约旦的南部都市德拉， 直到三月份，他们被派出去镇压愈演愈烈的抗议活动。他们接到命令逮捕和射杀了数十名抗议者，其中包括许多在城镇墙上涂画反政府内容的青年学生。

“The army needed everyone. It was very brutal,” he said. “But if there’s an officer of the Mukhabarat next to you,” he added, referring to the country’s feared security services, “you don’t have a choice but to shoot.”

Omar说：“军队需要每一个人。那真是残忍。但是如果旁边站着一个Mukhabarat的军官，你除了开枪别无选择。”关于Mukhabarat，他解释是叙利亚令人恐怖的安全部门。

Every soldier was armed with 60 bullets and given new ammunition each night, Mr. Omar said, and he said he had watched with incredulity as security forces fired live rounds at protesters assembling near the central Omari mosque, killing at least six people and injuring dozens more. He said his unit had shot at the protesters from above a roof overlooking the mosque. One of his fellow soldiers began to scream uncontrollably when he realized that his 18-year-old brother, demonstrating below on the street, had been shot. The soldier buried him two days later.

每个士兵有60颗子弹，每晚再补充。安全部队用实弹向在Omari清真寺聚集的抗议人群开火，造成至少六人死亡，数十人受伤，Omar看在眼里，心中狐疑。他所在的部队被部署在一处能俯视清真寺的屋顶上，他们从那里向抗议者射击。其中一名士兵开始失控大叫，他看见自己十八岁的兄弟也在下面大街上参加抗议游行，结果中弹身亡。两天后，这名士兵才埋葬了兄弟的尸体。

Shaken by what he had seen, Mr. Omar said, he was determined to defect. But before he could act, he was sent to Duma, northeast of Damascus, the capital, to work in a security unit interrogating detainees.

见到这些，Omar动摇了，决心叛逃。不过在他能叛逃前，他又被派到了位于首都大马士革东北的Duma，配属到一处负责审问被拘留者的安全机构。

Mr. Omar said he had been asked to take notes during the interrogation of prisoners, some as young as 15 years old. He said demonstrators had been blindfolded and forced to strip to their underwear before their hands were tied behind their backs. Interrogations were conducted by four or five soldiers and officers in a dark, windowless room. He said the interrogating officer had ordered him to write down confessions naming protest leaders, confessions that detainees were then asked to finger stamp rather than sign, since their hands were bound.

Omar负责在审问期间做笔录，他发现一些囚犯才十五岁。那些游行抗议者被蒙住双眼，全身只剩内衣，双手被绑在背后。在一间昏暗没有窗户的屋子里，审问由四或五名士兵和军官进行。审问人员让Omar记录下这些被称为抗议领袖的供状。由于这些人双手被捆，他们只能在供状上面按手印，而不是签字。

To force confessions, Mr. Omar said, the soldiers tortured the detainees with electrified cattle prods, beat them or urinated on them. Some passed out. Others bled heavily. Many disappeared.

为了逼供，士兵们会对被拘人员使用对牲畜用的电击棒，对其殴打或向其小便。一些人昏厥过去，一些人大量出血，还有许多人失踪了。

“The soldiers demanded to know why they had gone to the streets and who had paid them,” he recalled. “It was painful to watch. At the beginning I couldn’t sleep, but after a while, I got used to it. But I could not live with myself if I had remained.”

Omar回忆道：“那些士兵们想知道，为什么这些人会上街，还有就是什么人资助他们。那真是残不目睹。刚开始我无法入睡，但过了一段时间也就习惯了。不过如果还在那里待着，我可能就活不下去了。”

As the protests gathered pace over the summer, Mr. Omar was sent to Hama, where he was relieved of his AK-47 and instead given a shield and a stun gun, he said. With tens of thousands of people on the streets in Hama, he said, he hoped he could disappear into the crowd. At noon on July 26, he said, he and two fellow officers decided to defect from their army base, changing into civilian clothes and jumping over the wall.

随着抗议浪潮持续走过夏季，Omar来到了哈马，这次他手中拿着的不是AK47，而是一面盾牌和一把电击枪。在哈马的街上抗议者成千上万，Omar希望自己能混在人群中逃走。7月26日中午，他和两个战友决定逃离军事基地。他们换上平民衣服，翻墙逃跑了。

They found refuge in the homes of people opposed to the regime, Mr. Omar said, and wrapped scarves around their heads to conceal their faces. Fearing that he would be kidnapped or “disappeared” in Syria under some false pretext, Mr. Omar made a video, which he posted on YouTube, to establish that he had defected.

他们躲在反政府民众的家中，并用头巾遮住脸。在叙利亚，由于他害怕会在某些伪造的托辞下被绑架或“被失踪”，Omar做了一个说明他已经叛逃的视频发到了YouTube上。

The defectors were driven toward the Turkish border in broad daylight, eventually abandoning their car and walking through woods to avoid detection. At 7 a.m. on July 30, he said, they crossed illegally into Hatay, where they met up with members of the rebel Free Syrian Army, settling in a refugee camp.

叛逃者们在大白天来到了土耳其边境，最后他们丢弃汽车，为了躲避侦查，他们徒步穿过树林。7月30日早上7点，他们非法进入了土耳其哈提省，随后与反对派自由叙利亚军会合，并在难民营得到了安置。

At the camp, a gaunt and pale Mr. Omar produced another video to post on YouTube, in which he said he was ashamed that he had been part of Mr. Assad’s forces. “I will never forget the dead bodies of young and old men, but also women and children on the streets,” he said, dressed in a uniform of the Free Syrian Army and appearing with a Syrian flag.

在难民营，Omar又做了第二个视频放到YouTube上。在视频中，他为曾经是阿萨德军队的一员感到羞愧。他穿着配有叙利亚旗帜的自由叙利亚军军服说道：“我不会忘记那些在大街上的老人、青年、妇女和儿童的尸体。”

Appealing directly to Germany, he added: “Hitler died in Germany, but awoke in Syria.” Germany eventually helped get him out of the camp so he could get a stamp in his passport to remain in Turkey.

他还直接请求德国帮忙，他说：“在德国希特勒是死了，可又在叙利亚复活了。”德国方面最终提供协助，让他能离开难民营去办理护照手续，这使他能继续留在土耳其。

Mr. Omar joined the rebel army, a scruffy group numbering around 10,000 soldiers, whose mandate is to protect civilians from the regime. He is now an officer, helping to smuggle wounded rebels into Turkey, some of whom he houses in his home. He said he supported the political demonstrations against the government but warned, “We cannot afford to meet guns with only talk and slogans.”

Omar加入了反对派军队，这支蓬头垢面的部队大约有一万人，他们的使命是从当局手中保护平民。Omar现在成为了一名军官，协助那些受伤的反对派偷渡进入土耳其，其中一些人就被安置在他住的地方。对于反对当局的政治游行，Omar表示支持，但他提醒道：“面对枪口，我们只用对话和标语是撑不住的”

He fears for his family, including his wife, their 1-year old-daughter and his parents. After his escape, he said, his brother-in-law was fired from his architecture job, and the family’s house in Aleppo was vandalized.

Omar担心家人的情况，这包括他的妻子，一岁的女儿和父母。在他逃跑后，他的妹夫失去了建筑师的工作，在阿勒颇的住宅也遭到了破坏。

But he said he had no regrets. “My family knows I made the right choice.”

不过他不后悔。“家人知道我做出了正确的选择。”

By Stefanie Dekker on Tue, 2012-01-17 22:03.

原文地址：http://blogs.aljazeera.com/africa/2012/01/17/ex-rebels-eager-rebuild-libya

翻译：@ybburg

Mohammed is 19 years old and has a cheeky smile. Wearing a hoodie, he spoke in very impressive broken English that he had taught himself by watching television.
Mohammed是个一脸坏笑的19岁少年。穿着帽衫，操着一口令人印象深刻的从电视节目里自学来的蹩脚英语。

He’s one of a few hundred rebels who have answered the transitional government’s call to come and sign up to the interior ministry.
他是数百名响应过渡政府登记参与内政部工作号召的前起义军之一。

“I want to help rebuild my country. Now, everything is fine, Gaddafi is gone,” Mohammed told me.  
“我想帮忙重建我的国家。现在一切都好，卡扎菲也不在了，”Mohammed跟我说。

Since Saturday they’ve been coming here to register. They’ll be joining the ranks of the police force, or the traffic police, or any other interior ministry branch. 
他们从周六就开始了注册。他们将会加入警察、交警，或是其他内政部门。

They have no say where they will be placed, but many of them I spoke to all had the same message. Gaddafi is gone, we are free and we will rebuild our country.
他们并没透露被指派到了何处，但是他们中同我交谈过的许多人向我传达了一个相同的信息：卡扎菲已经不在，我们自由了，我们会重建我们的家园。

After Mohammed did his initial registration he came past me, on the way to sign his contract.
Mohammed登记签名后经过我身边，去签约的路上（我们开始了谈话）。

"Did I like music?"Yes."Who?"Pretty much all styles I told him.
“喜欢听歌吗？”是的。“听谁？”基本上什么都喜欢，我告诉他。

"Bryan Adams?"
“布兰恩•亚当斯？”

Yes, although I was surprised at his choice. Then he asked me ... "Mariah Carey?"
是的，虽然我对他的喜好有点奇怪。然后他问我……“玛丽亚凯莉？”

I imagined him, Kalashnikov in hand on the battlefield, humming to Mariah. It didn’t quite fit.
我想象着他一边哼着玛丽亚一边端着卡拉什尼科夫机枪冲锋陷阵的场面。这真的挺不搭调的。

But that’s just it about many of the guys here, they just didn’t look like they had just fought a fierce war, and seen death. 
但是他和这里其他许多人一样，他们一点也不像刚经历过一场残酷的战争，直面过死亡。

They are young, funky men. One with slicked back hair, crisp shirt and oversized sunglasses; another wearing a Gucci baseball cap. So many ordinary people joined the fight, becoming soldiers overnight.
他们都是年青时髦的小伙子。一个留着柔顺的长发，穿着破T恤和大墨镜；另一个戴着Gucci棒球帽。（当时）无数普通人加入战斗，一夜之间变成战士。

This country is now flooded by all kinds of weapons. Sure, the brigades have their piles of ammunition, but ordinary people do too. 
这个国家现在充斥着各种武器。部队当然有着成堆的军火，而平民那里也是如此。

Many houses will have a stash of AK-47s hidden away. The transitional government is trying to clean all that up,  but it’s a complicated issue and they are being cautious.
许多家庭都藏着AK-47。过渡政府想要将其清理，但是这个问题十分复杂，他们只能谨慎处理。

I asked whether these men needed to hand in their weapons as they registered with the interior ministry.The man in charge of taking their applications said: "No. We’ll deal with that later."
我问他们，他们注册参加内政工作的时候有没有上缴武器的要求。负责收申请表的官员说：“不，我们以后再处理那个问题。”

Around 600 rebels have signed up since the interior ministry launched this programme. It’s not a high number if you compare it to how many fighters are out there, but every day has seen a steady flow of people.
内政部启动这个计划后大约有600名前叛军登记参加。如果和（参与过战斗的）战士总数相比，这并不是一个很高的数字，但是每天都稳定的有一批新人参加进来。

The officials running the programme are optimistic.
负责计划的官员很乐观。

There’s a long way to go, with so many different groups, but it’s a start. And the fact that everyday there are more men signing up from various different brigades, gives them hope.
前面的路还很长，有许多不同的组织，但是这是个开始。而且每天都有来自不同部队更多的人来登记，给了他们希望。

The police force and army will need to be built up and introduced to Libyans as serious, dependent security forces before the majority of people will consider giving up their weapons.
警察和军队需要建立起来，给利比亚人严肃、可依赖的印象，这样大部分平民才会考虑上缴他们的武器。

Both institutions were sidelined under Gaddafi so they command very little trust.
这两个政府机构曾经长期被卡扎菲把持，也造成了现在得不到信任的局面。

As we filmed some last shots outside where the final contract finalisation takes place, Mohammed was sitting with some friends.
我们在最终签约的地方拍摄最后几组镜头的时候。Mohammed和他的朋友们坐在一起。

He had just signed. Congratulations I told him. I asked him where his gun was?
他刚签约。我对他说恭喜。我又问他他的枪现在在何处？

"It’s at home."
“在家。”

Would he give it up?
他会交出来吗？

He smiled his cheeky smile again: "Yes I will, if everyone else does, too."
他的坏笑又浮现出来了：“等其他人都交了，我就交。”

1， 道歉

去没去过利比亚？真不能告诉你。为此“不能”而道歉。

这是俺自己的事儿。如果俺真用这个招摇撞骗啥的，俺负责。可根本没有，而且还不断澄清呢。（慢慢往下看）。

2， 硬说别人造假然后“打假”是某些团伙的一贯手法

仅举一例。某人说：老榕“亲赴利比亚战场，从前线发回微博，开创了两个第一：榕通社是中国有史以来第一个赴海外报道战地新闻的自媒体；@老榕是中国有史以来第一个赴海外报道战地新闻的民间记者。以上绝对真实，还是纯属虚构？至少从我搜集的七条证据判断，老榕那些令人崇拜的利比亚战地微博日记，掺了水。”。

这本身就是假话。俺不仅从来没说过一句俺是记者，是通讯社，更没有说过是战地记者（我找死啊？），连自媒体都没自称过。反而持续不断地向粉丝提醒，这就是个微博，连什么榕通社都是开玩笑取的名儿（这名称带来的趣事和一些关于自媒体的启发，后面慢慢说），不是媒介，不是自媒体，俺不是记者….俺不断这么说的证据太多了，最好的证据便是粉丝贼亮的眼睛：

这种不断的提示还出现在几乎所有对俺的媒介采访中。如果我反复声明的还不够多，那，为此道歉。

至于2011年终一些媒介颁奖的理由，现在很容易就可以搜到，大家有兴趣的可以查。实际情况是，根本就没有一家提到过记者、战地这些字眼。他们典型的理由是：

“榕通社”，这个被老榕称为一个“玩意”的自媒体，名字也源自他的网名“老榕”。“老榕”的设备就一台笔记本电脑，外带一个3G上网卡，还有口“锅”，用来收看半岛电视台。…”。《南方人物周刊》

而在腾讯网的颁奖仪式上，虽然我和记者在一拨领奖，我的奖杯上也印的是“年度国际观察员”。这个俺觉得可以有。那些整天在电视上观察的专家们，他们去过哪儿？他们描绘卡扎菲军队去沙漠打游击啥的，才活灵活现呢。

即便这样，我领奖时也不断说俺不是媒体。到今天还称这个什么榕通社是个“玩意”，您爱玩就来，不爱玩拉倒。可大家最近讨论“自媒体”这个词汇多了，俺也有些自觉很有意思的经历和意见，愿意与关注这个话题的网友分享，可关注俺随后的更新。

至于那些通过这个被称为“获取信息最快的途径之一”获得的消息整体，是真是假，俺就不用多说了，大家心里跟镜子似的。反正你现在再怎么说那些全是假消息，卡扎菲也活不过来了。

3， 说是小说，不是小说

我的微博最后一次解封，是我在被迫同意从此不再谈论“利比亚”这个词后。不谈就不谈，反正卡扎菲都完蛋了。但突然有一天深夜，我收到个短信，说你可以发“日记体”。当时我的回复是：“太阳从西边出来了？”。经过一阵子澄清，我理解的是，只要看起来不太严肃、不像媒介，话题轻松点儿就可以试试。那就试试呗。“今天开始写的都是微小说了哈。”就是那此后不久发的一句。相信同样有大量粉丝可以作证。当然，后来还在微博上反复说了多次。如果您认为我说得还是不够多次，特此道歉。

不过，写成所谓小说的，其实也就那几贴，后来便不再玩了。当时砍掉的脑袋突然又长出来了，惊魂未定也是个原因。

说是小说，当然不是。比如，那支冲锋枪当然是利比亚的，背后的大海也是地中海。你以为真没有人拿着几千、几万公里外的照片说这是利比亚义军在屠杀、强奸卡扎菲美女保镖啊？怎么没见他们为此道歉呢？

4， 为什么不提出处？

俺被告知不能提。为什么？当时我想，不提就不提呗，信息在那里就好。其实，最初一直是有出处的。去年初开始，俺的格式是：榕通社快讯，据XX…. (一段消息)。老榕说：…(一句点评或者抒情之类)。这个格式想来老粉丝们应该非常熟悉。如果这个格式一直被允许，我自己也觉得很顺溜，就不用搞成地下游击队、贾雨村言、含沙射影那样好玩但是有点古怪了。可惜，这也早就不被允许了。

5， 法国什么网站的消息怎么回事？

大家的眼睛贼亮的。我转的一个帖子说：

这不禁让我想起网上曾经疯狂转发的，“据外电”的北约向利比亚索赔多少千亿美金的事儿。伎俩完全一样：有人从支持卡扎菲的网上的论坛里复制了这么一个出处不详的帖子，贴进什么“邮报”的类似的自由发帖栏，然后到处宣称：据外电如何如何。当然，这文章里面涉及的什么索赔之类，时间已经证明，是彻头彻尾的捏造。据说某卫视不久前还在引用之，令人失望。最近总听说自媒体也要规范。且不说我同不同意自媒体这个提法，但说规范，这种事儿专业媒体应该带头才是。

20120108补充：这篇所谓“报道”的作者后来致电友人（图如下），希望向本人道歉。事实上，他是中国人。

比较忙，想到哪儿说哪儿。接下来会谈谈自媒体这个玩意儿，在中国的网络环境下，怎么玩，怎么办的心得和思考。(20120104)

6， 微博上的个人超限战

小标题有点夸张：）可千万不要跟我计较呀。

现在是2012年1月4日。去年的这个时候，俺围脖粉丝大约12万人，不少了。其中很多是我们的老客户。在讨论玛瑙翡翠之外，有一搭没一搭谈谈突尼斯。如果有人从今天穿越回去告诉我后来一年的遭遇，我肯定会立即打消谈论阿拉伯革命的念头。因为他需要下面的条件，如果时间倒流，我肯定会觉得自己做不到。

1， 有充沛的体力，每天熬夜或者经常旅行；

2， 每天眼观六路（电视，网络，个人通讯….）手指麻利，头脑一直清醒；

3， 没人帮你，半夜喝茶都得自己倒。就像球迷看球的时候，怕上厕所时候进球一样，只好尽量不喝；

最难的是：

4， 有意想不到的危险（后面详述）；

5， 还要自创“微博超限战法”。（后面详述）。

6， 坚持一整年（20120104）

@破破的桥先生在上列帖子后的评论，如上图，很有水平，归纳得很好。再次强调，所谓“小说”，也就那么几贴。感觉微博确实活过来以后，就没怎么再用了。

7,中国还可能有自媒体吗？

我个人感觉，象我这样的玩法，想成“自媒体”也成不了的。主要理由如上。还有一个理由是：在一个微博里，个人闲聊、观感之类的内容，和“媒介内容”混杂，确实会带来问题，如我现在引发的一些讨论。一个人分几个微博写？不太现实，很难操作。混着写，媒介人会认为你不够规范，而粉丝们又会认为你太枯燥太严肃，偏离了微博应有的社交状态。

衍生出来的一个现象是，传统媒体人对微博带来的传播常常心态矛盾：对其影响力心有敬畏，对其天马行空的表现方式又很不适应。有个现象很有趣：老网虫很少用长微博，传统媒体人却常用（因为140字可能容纳不下诸如注明出处、前后呼应之类的需求，也不习惯把1400字分成10个微博来发）。这个矛盾会长期存在，就像网络文学都已经有了10几年的历史，它算不算“规范的”文学，到现在还时有争议。

其实，任何规范，只要它涉及网络，本身也不得不变化、发展。让社交网络时代的受众接受的规范才是好规范。比如网络用语，曾经被认为极不规范，现在却已经司空见惯。

扯回来。那么，是不是就永远不会有“自媒体”呢？也不见得。有一种方向值得关注，比如@黄健翔的@最体育、@薛蛮子筹划中的蛮子文摘。其特点是，有一份相对正式的媒介。虽然它只是网上发行，却比较正式，较严格地遵守传统媒介的规范。而创办者个人仍然是个微博人，其微博和他们的媒体其实是相对松散的关系。考虑到中国的网络环境，这种自媒体在体育，文化，娱乐，时尚之类的领域可能会有很大的前景。时政领域，我个人觉得就先别惦记了。（20120105）

昨日，本报就网民的质疑专访了老榕。

云信：你去过利比亚吗？

老榕：因为众所周知、很容易理解的原因，我对此问题继续保持沉默。

云信：如果没去过，对获奖有愧吗？

老榕：去还是没去，根本没有构成获奖理由。我相信他们想表扬的是一种“把白的坚持说成白的”的精神。这也是微博上“业余媒介人”的精神。

云信：微博上的照片主要来自哪里？

老榕：我从开始就反复说明，只有1至2张是我拍的。哪几张是我拍的不告诉你。除了国家地理，还有哪个媒介从来只用自己的照片或视频的，请举手？

云信：最早的微博发帖以“榕通社”冠名，为什么之后没有了？

老榕：我也很希望“榕通社”这样的格式可以一以贯之。可后来不被允许了。我有2个选择：停工或换个方式继续。只要信息能传递出来就是胜利，很明显，我选择了后者。当时决定这样做的时候，我还发过一个声明帖子。当然那帖子本身也看起来并不严肃，很像调侃：“从现在开始，我开始写微小说啦。”在此之前，我的微博被延迟了几乎一个月，除了广告啥也发不出来，这么做也是一种妥协，虽然很难受，可是总比从此只有广告好吧。最近的例子发生在1月1日，同一幅照片，我严肃地描述，被删除了。我略调侃地描述，还是被删除了。最后我把它包装成了近乎八卦，现在还在。可是这好像无损信息的传递。

云信：把一些转载的图片和事情，以亲历者、目击者的方式讲述出来妥当否？

老榕：好吧，最后，我发了2万帖，发了上千的照片，还不算视频。他们费劲找了10个八卦，想说明什么呢？其中真有不少照片是人家直接传递来的呢，能找到不少我发帖时间比人家自己网站登出照片还早的例子，这不能多说。传递的信息本身并无问题，这是显然的。而且我显然做了提示：那不见得真是我的。我的声明帖在先，还重复过太多次了。而且更多的照片其实后来发出来就不见了。我已经告诉你我在“写小说”了，你为什么要规定不能第一人称？我不是真的办一个报纸那么严谨，从头到尾都是我自己在玩，这里面发生疏漏肯定有，估计还不少。但我可以很自信地说，都是一些细节，不影响事实判断。2011年3月到12月。我如果真是在做一个通讯社，那肯定不这样办了。好在我不是，可以非典型报道。其实，真正采用“写小说”方式的帖子，很少很少，那都是已被警告的时候。正常情况下我通常不是万不得已不会的。而且“写小说”方式我从来不用来发正式消息，仅仅限制于花絮类。你看到了，那些真是只能算花絮。3月之前，全部一一注明。后来我反复声明，均据外电。

云信：能算一下大概有多少“花絮”内容吗？

老榕：很少。胜利后多一点。2011年8月20日前很少，多了敏感。

云信：但那几个图片的质疑，影响整体的可信度，不是前功尽弃吗？

老榕：当然不会，因为事情现在已经基本结束，我说的事实现在早已真相大白。个别花絮，增添点欢乐而已。“写小说”方式我其实也很慎重，前有声明，后有不断说明，用且只用在特殊时间的花絮类而已，什么旅游啦，吃喝玩乐啦，之类的。你看都是这样的吧！抓获卡扎菲时候的消息就不是。而且那些不构成假话，照片本身有问题吗？

云信：去年你受到这么大的关注，对你有何影响和改变？

老榕：是，印象深刻。过去我很不理解记者。现在很理解。

（原网站的排版看起来比较晕，特别全文转帖在此）

老榕：世界不能只有一种声音

南方周末记者 张哲

南方周末实习生 师小涵

2011年末，福建人王峻涛在一次又一次的聚会中感到“怪诞”。他遇见的不再是电子商务圈、IT圈，或者企业圈的熟识面孔，而是一些他从未见过的各行各业的名人。上周，他在一次媒体盘点活动中遇见了陈坤、秦海璐，还刚刚知道有个光头叫孟非。同样在今年，他还新认识了不少“知识分子圈久仰大名的人”，比如于建嵘、何兵。

让王峻涛走入其他圈子和公众视野的是他的网络ID：老榕。

2011年初开始，老榕在微博上逐渐将焦点聚集在风起云涌的阿拉伯世界。一年中，他以超过2万条的微博，合计上百万字的“直播式”信息，极大地改变了中文世界里“阿拉伯之春”的信息传播模式，丰富了人们对这一事件的理解和认知。而他所依赖的，不过是一台笔记本电脑，一个可以收看境外电视的“锅”，几个网络上的翻译志愿者，以及一些他口中颇有几分神秘的“当地朋友”。

“掐架”

老榕是回民，很自然地对阿拉伯世界有兴趣。但今年以前，他的微博内容并没有什么明晰指向，有聊足球的，有聊风月的，更多的还是IT圈里的一点事。“跟平时聊天一样，什么话题热就聊几句什么。”

即便是年初突尼斯突然爆发“茉莉花革命”，老榕也不过一天发一两条微博调侃调侃而已。他自己也没意识到，自己的微博怎么就慢慢进入了一个“跟官媒较劲的过程”。

“我平时就爱看半岛电视台，那段时间就看得更勤”，老榕告诉南方周末，“一边看一边写微博，‘坦克上来，被一堆群众推到河里去了’，但这时就有粉丝回帖说我瞎编，跟CCTV报的不一样！”

现实中的老榕戴一副眼镜，看起来斯斯文文。他并不雄辩，讲话带一点福建人特有的温软口音，激动时甚至还有点口吃。但老榕早年在论坛里养成的性子是：“看到不顺眼的事，直接上去就骂，我们叫‘掐架’。”

在微博上，他跟人也这么掐。他看出来《新闻联播》还在播前一天的事，就得意地讲，“你们明天看完了电视再来跟我说。”赢的次数多了，老榕的粉丝也多起来。

除了拼时间快，老榕在报道的内容上也跟别人较劲。比如，他从最早“直播”利比亚革命开始，就把班加西的武装力量叫做“义军”，把卡扎菲的军队叫做“伪军”。他的道理是，“卡扎菲的政权是不合法的，就是伪政权，伪政权的军队当然是伪军。”

于是就有人质问他：“你凭什么说卡扎菲政权不合法？”

老榕这边也早准备好了。“那我就说，阿盟22个成员国，伊斯兰会议组织57个成员国，所有欧盟成员国还有日本、韩国都正式宣布卡扎菲政权非法，我代表我个人同意他们的说法，这总可以了吧？”

“挑刺”

整个的“阿拉伯之春”之中，老榕对利比亚的报道最为用力。他自己估计，今年发的2万来条微博里，至少有1.5万条是关于利比亚的。这么多的微博里，除了不停传递最新战事，他还有意识地总结回顾，不断给“权威媒体”挑刺。

“他们的口径一开始就是错的。我说的起义军，他们先叫叛军，再叫反政府武装、反对派武装、执政当局武装，最后一直改为‘利比亚军队’”，老榕掰着手指头侃侃而谈，“首先‘叛军’就是错的吧？是卡扎菲背叛了人民，不是人民背叛了卡扎菲；‘反对派’也是错的，利比亚没有反对派，他连党都没有，哪里来的反对派？你说他是什么党、什么组织？”

他原本从来没觉得自己要传递什么价值观，他说：“在去年这个时候，我还觉得‘传播价值观’是个很蠢的提法。我觉得价值观是不需要传播的，总有些人类共有的价值吧，比如能不能杀人，没问题吧？”

但在今年一年的微博“报道”中，老榕有些困惑地发现，大家除了争论“发生了什么”，还必须要争论“为什么发生”。

但他一面“报道”利比亚的事一面想，这是一次偶然的骚乱么？是一次流氓暴动吗？是恐怖分子么？或者，用他最不屑的一种解释，“是西方策划的”？他一次次否定这些答案后，做出了自己的判断，这当然是人民自己的起义。

“西方策划的说法最好笑，我就喜欢拿这个调侃五毛，说就是西方策划的，让他们自己顺着这个逻辑往下讲。后来发现新上台的人都是反美的，他们能把自己讲疯了……”老榕说着大笑起来。

一年掐架和挑刺下来，老榕不知不觉写了2万多条微博，字数得有一二百万。他自己发现的时候也吓一跳，“我给媒体撰稿的时候，3000字我都嫌多。”

“常识”

老榕的“真身”叫王峻涛，毕业于哈尔滨工业大学。他是著名电子商务网站“8848”的创始人，如今也被人叫做“玉贩子”，因为他还在经营“琉璃厂文化商城”网站；而网络上的“老榕”在今年以前，主要的身份是著名球迷：他在1997年11月2日写作的《大连金州没有眼泪》被称作当时“全球最有影响力的中文帖”。

作为中国最早一批“触网”的人，老榕当时将该帖发布在“四通利方体育沙龙”网络论坛。48小时后，帖子获得了超过2万次网友点击，随后被大量传统媒体转载。这个数字在今天的中国可能并不耀眼，可在1997年，全国可上网的电脑仅有29.9万台，估计活跃网民只有十多万人。

四通利方以此为契机迅速调整运营方向，建立了自己的内容频道，很快就由一个电脑产品售后服务论坛，转型发展为内容为主的综合门户网站——也就是今天的新浪网。

老榕则一直业余看球，主业做着跟互联网、IT业有关的生意。他曾经作为互联网专家，在1998年“福州IP电话案”中出庭作证，为互联网的正当使用鼓与呼。即便撰稿，绝大多数情况下，老榕也是给《电脑报》之类的IT媒体写作。那时他无论如何也不会想到，十几年后，找他做采访的变成了国际时事领域的记者。

今年一年下来，老榕有了一点成为“公知”的苗头。但他自己否认，“一个知识分子，你一定要有学术造诣，但这个我真没有，我上一篇论文还是关于伪随机代码发生器的……我还是一个爱泡网的商人。”

但今年的泡网显然不同往年。在一个个的分歧，一场场的争论中，生意人老榕越来越觉得搞“通讯社”这事儿“有意义”。当然，他的“榕通社”除了不固定的几个翻译志愿者，从编辑、记者，到美编、校对，全是他一个人。

至于这事儿有什么意义，老榕也说不太清。“好像过去的媒介是‘我说你听’，现在是‘你说了我也不一定听’。这个世界肯定从来就不能只有一种声音。如果只有一个声音发声，那别人就得另找另外的发声方法。”

老榕的“发声方法”就是一下一下地敲击键盘，跟人在微博上不停地掐。“开始是好玩儿，后来觉得我得把这当个事儿，我也就越来越认真了。”

生意人讲“闷声大发财”。但老榕不认为自己发点微博就会被卷入政治，因为“我说的从来都只是常识。”

谈话末尾，老榕有点激动地说：“就好像在互联网上有一个虚拟的乌坎村，村里聚集着一些想说话的人。村子被人围着，不踏踏实实在家待着的人可能就要被抓，你的地还要被圈掉。这怎么能行？应该学学汪洋书记，这事儿得协商。只要不推翻共产党，应该什么话都能说才对。”

至于2012年，老榕的展望是，“我要让粉丝们看到未来，看到一个古老的阿拉伯进入民主政治的时代，我对这个有信心……只要我还在微博上活着。”